Holding

The reservation of twelve seats for Bhutia‑Lepcha and one seat for the Sangha in the Sikkim Legislative Assembly, as made under the Representation of the People Acts and Article 371F(f), are constitutionally valid and do not violate the basic structure or the cited constitutional provisions.

Summary

The petitions filed by Sikkimese of Nepali origin challenged the reservation of twelve seats for Bhutia‑Lepcha and one seat for the Buddhist Sangha in the Sikkim Legislative Assembly, arguing that these provisions violated Articles 14, 15(1), 325, 332(3) and the basic structure of the Constitution. The Court examined whether the terms and conditions of Sikkim’s admission into the Union were justiciable, and whether Article 371F(f) could permit such reservations. It held that the provisions are within the permissible scope of Article 371F, do not contravene the basic features of democracy, republicanism, or secularism, and are not ultra vires. Consequently, the reservations for Bhutia‑Lepcha and the Sangha seat were upheld as constitutional. The petitions were dismissed.

Issues considered

The justiciability of the terms and conditions of admission of a new State under Article 2 and Article 371F.
Whether clause (f) of Article 371F violates the basic structure of the Constitution.
Whether the reservation of twelve seats for Bhutia‑Lepcha in the Sikkim Assembly violates Articles 14, 170(2) and 332(3).
Whether the reservation of one seat for the Sangha with a separate electoral roll violates Articles 15(1) and 325 and the principle of secularism.
Whether the non‑obstante clause in Article 371F can override other constitutional provisions.

Legislation cited

Constitution of Indias. Articles 2, 3, 4, 14, 15(1), 325, 332(3), 370, 371F, 170(2), 333, 289‑A
Constitution (Sikkim) Scheduled Tribes Order, 1978
Constitution (Thirty‑Fifth Amendment) Act, 1974s. Article 2A
Constitution (Thirty‑Sixth Amendment) Act, 1975s. Article 371F
Election Laws (Extension to Sikkim) Act, 1976
Representation of the People Act, 1950s. 25A, s. 7(1A)(c)
Representation of the People Act, 1951s. 5A
Representation of the People (Amendment) Act, 1980

Subjects

ReservationSikkimArticle 371FBasic structure doctrinePolitical question doctrineSeparate electorateBhutia‑LepchaSanghaEqualitySecularismOne person one vote

Judgment

R.C. POUDYAL AND ANR. ETC. ETC. A
v.
UNION OF INDIA AND ORS. ETC. ETC.

FEBRUARY 10, 1993

[LM. SHARMA, CJ, M.N. VENKATACHALIAH, J.S. VERMA, B
K.J. REDDY AND S.C. AGRAWAL, JJ.]

Representation of People Act, 1950:

~ Sections 7(1-A) and 25A (As inserted by Election Laws EJ.1ension to
Sikkim) Act, 1976 and Representation of People (Amendment) Act,
c
1981>-Constitutional validity of

Represemation of People Act, 1951:

Section 5A(2) (As inserted by the Representation of People (Amend- D
ment)) Act, 1981>-Constitutimial validity of

Sikkim Assembly-Reservation of 12 seats out of 32 seats for Sikkimese
of "Bhutia-Lepcha" origin-Whether violative of Articles 14, 170(2) and
Gause (f) of Article 371-F-Whet/ler violative of Indian Constitutionalism-
Whether violative of P1inciple of Republicanisn.---EJ.1e/l/ of reservation of E
seats-Whether disproportionate and violative of Article 332(3 ).

~- Reservation of one seat in favour of 'Sangha' (Budd/1ist Lamaic
Religious Monasuies) with provision for election on the basis of separate
electoral roll-IV/iether based on pure religious distincti01t-U1iether violative
- of Articles 15( I) and 325--Provision of reservation of Sanglia seat-Wliether F
to be constnted as a n'on1ination.

Constitution of India, 1950:

Articles 1(3)!c), 2, 3, and 4.
G
Admission of a new State into Indian Unio1t-Power of Parliament to
i111pose tenns and conditions-Constitutional /i11Jitatio11s 011 power of Parlia-
ment-Wliat are-Tenns and conditions of admission of new State-Jus-
ticiability of-Doctrine of Political questio1t-Applicability of

EJ.pression "as it thinks.fit" in Article 2--Meaning of H
891

' .
892 SUPREME COURT REPORTS [1993 I 1 S.C.R.

A Attic/es 15 and 325:

State Legis/atur~Rcservatwn of seats in favour of 'sangha' (Buddhist y---·
Lamaic Re!tgious Mvnastries) with provision for maintenance of separate
electoral m. '-Wliether violative of Attic/es I 5 and 325.

B Atticle 371-F-Non-obstallle daus~Scope and effect of

Clause (f)-IV/ietlrer violative of Basic Features of DemocraC)-
H1zetlrer violates 'one person one vote' ntle enshrined in Article 170(2J-r
H11etlrer enables departure from Atticle 332(3).

C Article 332-State Legislatur~eservation of seats for Sc/ieduled Cas-
tes and Sclreduled Tribes-Clause (3)-Words 'As nearly as May be'-Scope
of-H1iet/1er pennit deviation from prescribed proportion of Reservation.

Words and Phrases:

D 'Deniocratic Reprtblic'-'Den1ocracy' and 'Denrocratic'-Meaning of.

On May 8, 1973, a tripartitr agreement was executed amongst the
Chogyal (Ruler) ol' Sikkim, the Foreign Secretary to the Government of
India and the leaders of the political parties representing the people of
Sikkim which envisaged right of people of Sikkim to elections on the basis
E of adult suffrage, contemplate<! settin~ up of a Legislati\-e Assembly in }..
Sikkim to be reconstituted by election e\'ery four years and declared a
commitment to free and fair elections to be overseen by a representative
of the Election Commission of India. Para (5) of the said agreement
provided that the system of elections shall be so organised as to make the
F Assembly adequately representative of the various sections of the popula-
tion The size and composition of the Assembly and of the Executive
Council shall be such as may be prescribed from time to time, care being ~
taken to ensure that no single section of the population acquires a
dominating position due mainly to its ethnic origin, and that the rights
and interests of the Sikkimese Bhutia Lepcha origin and of the Sikkimese
G Nepali, which includes Tsong and Scheduled Caste origin, are fully
protected. This agreement was effectuated by a Royal Proclamation called
the Representation of' Sikkim Subjects Act, 1974, issued by the Ruler of )-
Sikkim. It directed the formation of Sikkim Assembly consisting· of 32
elected members - 31 to be elected from territorial constituencies and one
H Sangha constituency to elect one ~ember through on electoral college of

'
RC. POUDYAL v. U.0.1. 893

Sanghas. Consequently, elections for the Sikkim Assembly were held in A
Aprii 1974. The Sikkim Assembly so elected and constituted passed the
-~. Government of Sikkim Act, 1974. Section 7 of the said Act gave recognition
to paragraph 5 of the tripartite agreement dated May 8, 1973. In pur-
suance of this development the Constitution of India was amended by the
Constitution (Thirty-Fifth Amendment) Act, 1974 inserting Article .2A
which made Sikkim an "Associate State" with the Union of India. On 10th
B
April, 1975, the Sikkim Assembly passed a resolution abolishing the in-
stitution of Chogyal and declared that Sikkim would henceforth be a
constituent unit of India enjoying a democratic and fully responsible
Government. A request was made in the resolution to the Government of
India to take the necessary measures. By an opinion poll the said resolu- C
lion was affirmed by the people of Sikkim. Accordingly, the Constitution
was further amended by the Constitution (Thirty-Sixth Amendment) Act,
1975 whereby Sikkim became a full-Hedged State in the Union of India and
Article 371-F was inserted in the Constitution which envisaged certain
special conditions for the admission of Sikkim as a new Stair in the Union D
of India. Clause (I) of the said Article empowered Parliament to make
provision for reservation of seats in the Sikkim Assembly for the purpose •
of protecting the rights and interests of the different sections of the
population of Sikkim'

Thereafter Parliament enacted the Election Laws (Extension to E
Sikkim) Act, 1976 which sought to extend, with certain special provisions,
...
the Representation of the People Act, 1950 and the Representation of the

- People Act, 1951 to Sikkim. Further, the Bhutia-Lepchas were declared as
Scheduled Tribes in relation to the State of Sikkim by a Presidential
Order issued under Article 342 of the Constitution of India, and they thus
F
became entitled to the benefits of reservation of seats in the State Legis-
lature in accordance with Article 332. The consequential reservation in the
State Legislature were made in the Representation of People Act, 1950 and
Representation of People Act, 1951 by the 1976 Act and the Representation
of People (Amendment) Act, 1980. Twelve seats out of thirty-two seats 1n
the Sikkim Assembly were reserved for Sikkimese of Bhutia·Lepcha G
origin; and one seat was reserved for Sanghas, election to which was
required to be conducted on the basis of a separate electoral roll in which
only the Sanghas belonging to monasteries recognised for the purpose of
elections held in Sikkim in April, 1974 were entitled to be registered. H
894 SUPREME COURT REPORTS [1993) 1 S.C.R.

A The petitioners, Sikkimese of Nepali origin, filed petitions challeng-
ing the reservation of 12 seats for Sikkimese of "Bhutia-Lepcha" origin and
11
one seat for sang;ha".

Objections as to the maintainability of the writ petitions were taken
on behalf of the State of Sikkim and the Union of India on the grounds :
B
(a) that a law made under Article 2 containing the terms and conditions
on which a new State is admitted in the Indian Union is, by its very nature,
political involving matters of policy and, therefore, the terms and condi-
tions contained in such a law are not justiciable on the political question
doctrine; (b) in view of the 11011-ob,·ta/lfe clause in Article 371-F, Parlia-
C ment can enact such a law in derogation of the other provisions of the
Constitution and the said law would not be open to challenge on the
ground that it is violative of llDY other provisions of' the Constitution.

On behalf of the petilioners it was contended (1) that the reservation
D of one seat in favour of the 'Sangha' (Bhuddhist Lamaic Religious
J\rlonasteries) is purely based on religious considerations and is violative
of Articles 15(1) and 325 of the Constitution and offends the secular
principles; the said resen'ation based on religion with a separate elec-
torate at the religious n1onasteries is violative of basic structure of the
Constitution; (2) that the provisions in clause (I) of Article 371-F enabling
E reservation of seats for sections of the people and la"'' n1ade in exercise •or
tha:t po\ver providing resen'ation of seats for Bhutias-Lepchas violate
fundamental principles of democracJ' and republicanism under the Indian
Constitution; (3) the resenation of scats for Sikkimese of Bhutia-Lepcha
origin \\'ithout n1aking a corresponding reservation for Sikkimese of
F Nepali origin i.s violative of the right to equality guaranteed under Article
14 of the Constitution; (4) in view of the Constitution (Sikkim) Scheduled
Tribes Order, 1978 declaring Bhutias-Upchas as Scheduled Tribes, the .,.-
extent of resen'ation of seat~ is disproportiouate and violative of Article
332 (3) of the Constitution: and· (5) that this departure from the
provisions of Article 332(3) derogates fron1 the principle of one 1nan, one
G rnte enshrined in Article I 70(2) of the Constitution.

On behalf of the respondents it was contended (!) that although
basically the monasteri'!s are religious in nature, ) et they form a separate
1

section of the society on account of the social sen'ices they have been
H rendering mainly to the Bhutia-Lepcha section of the population. Viewed in

•
R.C. POUDYAL v. U.0.1. 895

this background they should not be treated as merely religious institutions A
for the purposes of reservation; (2) since the Constitution permits nomina-
tion to be made in the legislatures, the creation of a separate electorates for
the Sangha seat cannot be objected to; (3) that the constitutional amend-
ment bringing in Article 371F(I), as also the relevant amended provisions of
the Representation of the People Acts are legal and valid because a perfect B
arithmetical equality of value of votes is not a constitutionally mandated
imperative of democracy and secondly, that even if the impugned

- provisions made a departure from the tolerance limits and the constitu-
tionally permissible latitudes, the discriminations arising are justifiable on
the basis of the historical considerations peculiar to and characteristic of
the evoluation of Sikkim's political institutions. c
Dismissing the petitions, this Court,

HELD : By the Court

(i) The questions raised in the petitions pertaining to the terms and D
conditions of accession of new State are justiciable. [975B)

(ii) Clause (I) of Article 371-JI of the Co_nstitution of India, is not
violative of the basic features of democracy. [986C]

(iii) Thatimpugned provisions providing for reservation of 12 seats, E
out of 32 seats in the Sikkim Legislative Assembly in favour of Bhutias-
Lepchas, are neither unconstitutional as violative of the basic features of

- democracy and republicanism under the Indian Constitution nor are they
violative of Articles 14, 170(2) and 332 of the Constitution. The impugned
provisions are also not ultra vires of Clause (I) of Article 371-F. F
[986E-H, 987A-H, 988A)
..,... (iv) The extent of reservation of seats is not violative of Article 332(3)
of the Constitution. [987A-B, 988A]

(v) The reservation of one seat for Sangha to be elected by an G
Electoral College of Lamaic monasteries is not based purely on religious
distinctions and is, therefore, not unconstitutional as violative of Articles
...{ 15(1) and 325 of the Constitution. [989A-H]

Quaere (i) Whether the terms and conditions of admission of a new
State are justiciable'! H
896 SUPREME COURT REPORTS [1993] l S.C.R.

A Per M.N. Venkatachaliah (For himself J.S. Vernia a11d KJ. Reddy, JJ.)

1. The power to admit new States into the Union under Article 2 is,
no doubt, in the very nature of the power, very wide and its exercise
necessarily guided by political issues of considerable complexity many of
which may not be judicially manageable. But for that reason, it cannot be
B predicated that Article 2 confers on the Parliament an unreviewable and
unfettered power immune from ju1icial scrutiny. The power is limited by

C
the fundamentals of the Indian constitutionalism and those terms and
conditions which the Parliament may deem fit to impose, cannot be incon-
sistent and irreconciliable with the foundational principles of the Con-
stitution and cannot violate or subvert the Constitutional scheme.
-
Therefore, if the terms and conditions stipulated in a law made under
Article 2 read with clause (I) of Article 371-F go beyond the constitution-
ally permissible latitudes, that law can be questioned as to its validity.
Consequently it cannot be said that the issues are non-justiciable.
[974D-F, 9758-E)
D
A.K. Roy v. U11io11 of India, [1982] 2 S.C.R. 272; Madlzav Rao v.
Union of India, [1971) 3 S.C.R. 9 and State of Rajastha11 v. Union of India,
[1978) 1 S.C.R. 11, referred to.

Vinod Kumar Shami/a/ Gosa/ia v. Gangadhar Narsi11gdas Aganva/ &
E
Ors., [1982) 1 S.C.R. 392, Held inapplicable.

MarbUI)' v. Madison, 1 Cr. 5 U.S. 137, 170 (1803); Martin v. Mott, 12
Wheat - 25 US 19 (1827); Ware v. Hylton, 3 Dall. 3 U.S. 199 (1796); Luther
v. Borden, 7 How. 48 U.S. l (1849); Baker v. Can; 369 U.S. 186; Powell v.
F McConnack, 395 U.S. 486 and Japa11 Wha/i11g Ass'n v. American Cetacean
Society, 478 (1986) U.S. 221, referred to.

A.K. Pavithran. Substance of Public /nten1atio11al Laiv H1esten1 and
Eastem, First Edition, 1965 pp. 281 ·2; 77ie Constiwtion of the United States
G of America, Analysis and Interpretation and Congressional Research Sen•ice;
Liberty of Congress 1982 Edn. p.703, referred to.

2. Article 2 gives a wide latitude in the matter of prescription of
terms and conditions subject to which a new territory is admitted. There
is no constitutional imperative that those terms and conditions should
H ensure that the new State should, in all respects, be the same as the other
R.C. PO UDY AL v. U.0.1. 897

States in the Indian Union. However, the terms and conditions should not A
, • seek to establish a form or system of Government or political and
. ~. governmental i.istitutions alien to and fundamentally dilTere~t from those
the Constitution envisages. [984C-D]

Constitutional Law of India, Edited by Hidayatullah, J ., referred to.
B
3. In judicial review of the vires of the exercise of a constitutional
power such as the one under Article 2, the significance and importance of
-'(the political components of the decision deemed lit by Parliament cannot
be put out of consideration as long as the conditions do not violate the
constitutional fundamentals. In the interpretation of a constitutional
document, "words are but the framework of concepts and concepts may
c
change more than words themselves". The significance of the change of the
concepts themselves is vital and the constitutional issues are not solved by
a mere appeal to the meaning of the words without an acceptance of the
line of their growth. It is aptly said that "the intention of a Constitution is
'f- rather to outline principles than to engrave details". [985A-C] D
43 Ausi. Law Joumal, p.256, referred to.

4. Article 371-F cannot transgress the basic features of the Constitu-
tion. The non obstallte clause cannot be construed as taking clause (I) of
.J.. Article 371-F outside the limitations on the amending power itself. The E
provision of clause (I) of Article 371-F and Article 2 have to be construed
harmoniously consistent with the foundationai principles and basic fea-

- tures of the Constitution. [974H, 975A]

Mangat Singh & Aw. v. Unio11 of !11dio., (1967] 2 S.C.R. 109, relied on.
F
Per S.C. Agrawal, J. (Conc11ni11g)

1. While admitting a new State in the Union, Parliament, while
making a law under Article 2, cannot provide for terms and conditions
which are inconsistent with the scheme of the Constitution and it is open
to the Court to examine whether the terms and conditions as provided in G
the law enacted by Parliament under Article 2 are consistent with the
....( constitutional scheme or not. Power conferred on Parliament under Ar-
• ticle 2 is not wider in ambit than the amending power under Article 368
and it would be of little practical significance to treat Article 371-F as a
law made under Article 2 of the Constitution or introduced by way of H
~
898 SUPREME COURT REPORTS (1993] 1 S.C.R.

A amendment under Article 368. In either event, it will be subject to the
limitation that it cannot alter any of the basic features of the Constitution.
The scope of the power conferred by Article 371-F, is therefore, subject to
r-- .
judicial review. So also is the law that is enacted to give effect to the
provisions contained in Article 371-F. [1005E-H]

B Baker v. Carr, 1962 (369) U.S. 186 and Powell v. McConnack, 395 U.S.
490, referred to. "
A.K. Roy v. U11io11 of India, [1982] 2 S.C.R. 272; Madhav Rao v. )-
Union of India, [1971] 3 S.C.R. 9; State of Rajasthan v. Union of India,
c (1978] 1 S.C.R. 1; S.P. Gupta v. Union of India, [1982] 2 S.C.R. 365 and
Mrs. Sarojini Ramaswami v. Union of India & Ors., Writ Petition (Civil)
No. 514 of 1992 decided on August 27, 199i, referred to.
-
2. It is not doubt true that is the matter of admission of a new State
D in ·the Indian Union, Article 2 gives considerable freedom to Parliament to '\:
prescribe the terms and conditions on which the new State is being
admitted in the Indian Union. But at the same time, it cannot be said that
the said freedom is without any constitutional limitation. The power
conferred on Parliament under Article 2 is circumscribed by the. overall
constitutional scheme and Parliament, while prescribing the terms and
E conditions on which a new State is admitted in the Indian Union, has to
~
act within the said scheme. Parliament cannot admit a new State into the
Indian Union on terms and conditions which derogate from the basic
features of the Constitution. To hold otherwise would mean that it would
be permissible for Parliament to admit to the Union new States on terms
and conditions enabling those State to be governed under systems which
-
F
are inconsistent with the scheme of the Constitution and thereby alter the
basic features of the Constitution. It would lead to the anomalous result T"
that by an ordinary law enacted by Parliament under Article 2 it would be
possible to· bring about a change which cannot be made even by exercise
of the constituent power to amend to the Constitution, viz., to alter any of
G the basic features of the Constitution. The words 'as it thinks fit' in Article
2 of the Constitution cannot, therefore, be construed as empowering
Parliament to provide terms and conditions for admission of a new State
which are inconsistent with the basic features of the Constitution. The >-
said words can only mean that within the framework of the Constitution,
H it is permissible for Parliament to prescribe terms and conditions on
.
R.C. POUDYAL v. U.0.1. 899

new State is admitted in the Union. [1003G-H, 1004A, C-E] A
Mangat Singh v. Union of India, [1967] 2 S.C.R. 109, referred to.

R.D. Lumb, The Constitutio11 of Commonwealth of Australia, 11986)
4th Edn. p. 736, referred to.
B
3. TI1ere is no doubt that the 11011-obstante clause in a statute gives
overriding effect to the provisions covered by the non-obstante clause over
!Jle other provisions in the statute to which it applies and in that sense,
the no11-obsta11te clause used in Article 371-F would give overriding effect
to clauses (a) to (p) of Article 371-F over other provisions of the Constitu- C
tion. But at the same time, it cannot be ignored that the scope of the
non-obsta11te clauses in 371-F cannot extend beyond the scope of the
legislative power of Parliament under Article 2 or the amending power
under Article 368. Therefore, the 11011-obstallle clause has to be so con-
strued as to conform to the aforesaid limitation or otherwise Article 371-F
would be rendered unconstitutional. A construction which leads to such a D
consequence has to be eschewed. Thus as a result of the 11011-obstante clause
in Article 371-F, clauses (a) to (p) of the said Article have to be construed
to permit a departure from other provisions of the constitution in respect
of the matters covered by clauses (a) to (p) provided the said departure
is not of such a magnitude as to have the effect of altering any of the basic E
features of the Constitution. [10068-G]

4. It cannot be said that Article 371-F contains a political element in
the sense that it seeks to give effect to a political agreement relating to
admission of Sikkim into the Indian Union. [1003D]
F
Per L.M. Shanna, CJ. (Co11curri11g)

1. The courts are not only vested with the jurisdiction to consider
and decide the points raised in these writ petitions, but are under a duty
to do so. If steps are taken to grant legitimacy to a state of affairs repulsive G
to the basic features of our Constitution, the Courts are under a duty to
judicially examine the matter. [925C, HJ

2. There is a vital difference between the initial acquisition of ad·
ditonal territory and the admission of the same as a full-fledged State of
the Union of India similar to the other States. [921G) H
900 SUPREME COURT REPORTS [1993] 1 S.C.R.

A 3. Special provisions for any State can certainly be made by au amend-
meut of the Constitution, as is evident by Article 371A, 371B, 371C at cetera,
y---
but it is not permissible to do so in derogation of the basic features of the
Constitution. So far the power of sovereignty to acquire new territories is
concerned, there cannot be any dispute. The power is inherent, it was, there-
fore, not considered necessary to mention it in express terms in the Con-
B
stitutiou. It is also true that if an acquisition of new territories is made by a
treaty or under au agreement the terms of the same will be beyond the
scrutiny of the courts. The position, however, Is entirely different when new
territory is made part of India, by giving it the same status as is enjoyed by 'r
an existing State under the Constitution of India. The process or such a
c merger has to be under the Constitution. No other different process adopted
can achieve this result. And when this exercise is undertaken, there is no
option, but to adopt the procedure as prescribed in conformity with the
Constitution. At this stage the Court's jurisdiction to examine the validity of
the adopted methodology cannot be excluded. [921H, 922A-C]
~
D
4. So far the present case is concerned the decision does not admit
of any doubt that when the Thirty-Sixth Amendment of the Constitution
was made under which Sikkim joined India as a full-fledged State like
other States, power of amendment of the Constitution was invoked, and
this had to be done only consistent with the basic features ofthe Constitu-
E tion. Sikkim became as much a State as any other. Considered in this
background, the objection to the maintainability of the writ petitions
cannot be upheld. [922D, H, 923A]

Mangal Singh & Anr. v. Union ofIndia, [1967] 2 S.C.R 109, referred to.
F
5. It is true that in case of acquisition Article 2 comes into play hut
that is only at the initial stage when the new territory joins and becomes
the territory of India under Article 1(3) (c). In the present case the power
under Article 2 was not exercised at any point of time. Initially, Sikkim
joined India as an Associate State by Article 2A introduced in the Con-
G stitution by au amendment. When further steps of its complete merger
with India were taken, the methodology nuder Article 3 was not available
in view of the observations in Berubari case. Correctly assessing the suua-
>-
tion, fresh steps for amendment of the Constitution once more were taken
and Sikkim was granted the status of a full Statehood at par with the other
H States by the Thirty-Sixth Amendment of the Constitution. Once this
R.C. POUDYAL '" U.0.1. 901

was done it had to he consistent with the basic features of the Constitu· A
tion. [924E·G]

77ie Berubari Union and Exchange of Enclaves, [1960) 3 S.C.R. 250,
relied on.

Quaere (ii) Whether the impugned provisions providing B
for resen-ation of Sangha seat with provision for separate
electoral roll and Sangha constituency are unconstitution·
al?

Per M.N. Venkatachaliah (For himself, J.S. Venna and KJ. Reddy, JJ.).
c
1. A separate electorate for a religious denomination would be
obnoxious to the fundamental principles of our secular Constitution. If a
provision is made purely on the basis of religious considerations for
election of a member of that religious group on the basis of a separate
electorate, that would, indeed, he wholly unconstitutional. But in the case D
of the Sangha, it is not merely a religious institution. The literature on the
history of development of the political institutions of Sikkim tend to show
that the Sangha had played an important role in the political and social
life of the Sikkimese people. It had made its o.wn contribution to the
Sikkimese culture and political development. Thus, there is material to
sustain the conclusion that the 'Sangha' had long been associated itself E
closely with the political developments of Sikkim and was inter-woven with
the social and political life of its people. In yiew of this historical associa-
tion, the provisions in the matter of resen-ation of a seat for the Sangha
recognises the social and political role of the institution more than its
purely religious identity. The provision can be sustained on this construe· F
tion. [989C-H, 990A)

1' 2. In the historical setting of Sikkim and its social and political
evolution the provision has to be construed really as not invoking the
im.permissible idea of a separate electorate either. Indeed, the provision
bears comparison to Article 333 providing for representation for the G
Anglo-Indian community. It is to be looked at as enabling a nomination
but the choice of the nominee being left to the 'Sangha' itself. [989E-F J

Per S.C. Agrawal, J. (Dissenting)

1. The impugned provision providing for a separate electoral roll for H
902 SUPREME COURT REPORTS [1993] 1 S.C.R.

A Sangha Constituency contravenes Article 325 and reservation of one seat
for Sanghas contravenes Article 15(1). Article 371-F does not permit a
departure from the principle contained in Articles 325 and 15(1) while
)- -
applying the Constitution to the newly admitted State of Sikkim. Clause
(I) of Article 371-F, cannot be construed to permit reservation of a seat for
Sanghas and election to that seat on the basis of a separate electoral roll
B
composed of Sanghas only. Consequently, clause (c) of sub-section (1-A)
of Section 7 and Section 25-A of the 1950 Act and the words 'other .than
constituency reserved for Sanghas' in clause (a) of sub-section (2) of
Section 5-A and clause (c) of sub-section (2) of Section 5-A of the 1951 Act -r·
are violative of the provisions of Articles 15(1) and 325 of the Constitution
c and are not saved by Article 371-F of the Constitution. The said
provisions, are however, severable from the other provisions which have
been inserted in the 1950 Act and the 1951 Act by the 1976 Act and the
1980 Act and the striking down of the impugned provisions does not stand
in the way of giving to the other provisions. [1023H, 1024A-B, 0-E)
D ~
2. Since only a Buddhist can be a Sangha, the effect of the reserva-
!ion of a seat for Sanghas and the provision for special electoral roll for
the Sangha Constitutency wherein only Sanghas are entitled to be
registered as electors, is that a person who is not a Buddhist cannot
contest the said reserved seat and he is being discriminated on the ground
E only of religion. Similarly, a person who is not a Buddhist is rendered
ineligible to be included in the electoral roll for Sangha Constituency on
>-
the ground only of religion. The historical considerations <lo not justify
this discrimination. [1018E-G)

F
2.1. The reservation of one seat for Sanghas in Sikkim Council and
subsequently in the Sikkim Assembly was in the context of the administra- r
live set up in Sikkim at that time wherein Sanghas were playing a major
part in the taking of decisions in the Council. The said reason does not
survive after the admission of Sikkim as a new State in the Indian Union.
G The continuation of a practice which prevailed in Sikkim with regard to
reservation of one seat for Sanghas and the election to the said seat on the
basis of a special electoral college composed of Sanghas alone cannot,
therefore, be justified on the basis of historical considerations and the
>--
impugned provisions are violative of the Constitutional mandate con-
H tained in Article 15(1) and Article 325 of the Constitution. [10190-E]
j
R.C. PO UDY AL v. U.0.1. •JU3

Nai11 Sukh Das a11d Anr. v. The State of Uttar Pardesh and Ors., A
""( [1953) S.C.R. 1184; Punjab Province v. Dau/at Singh and Ors., 1946 F.C.R.
I; State of Bombay v. Bombay Education Society and Ors., [1955) 1 S.C.R.
568 and 77ze State of Madras v. Srimathi Champakam Dorairajan, [1951]
S.C.R. 525, relied on.

3. In so far as clause (1) of Article 15 is concerned express provision B
has been made in clause• (3) and (4) empowering the State to make
special provisions for certain classes of persons. Sanghas, as such, do not
--(
fall within the ambit of clauses (3) and (4) of Article lS and therefore, a
special provision in their favour, in derogation of clause (1) of Article 15
c
- is not permissible. [1020C]

4. Article 325 is of crucial significance for maintaining the secular
character of the Constitution. Any contravention of the said provision
cannot but have an adverse impact on the secular character of the
)- Republic which is one of the basic features of the Constitution. The same
D
is true with regard to the pfovisions of clause (1) of Article 15 which
prohibits reservation of seats in the legislatures ori the ground only of
religion. [1023A-B)

Smt. Indira Gandhi v. Raj Narain, [1976) 2 S.C.R. 347 and Kesa-
~ vananda Bharati v. State of Kera/a, [1973] S-upp. S.C.R. 1, referred to. E

5. It is no doubt true that the im'pugned provisions, relate to only
one seat out of 32 seats in the Legislative Assembly ol Sikkim. But the
potentialities of' mischief resulting from such provisions cannot be mini-
mised. The existence of such provisions is bound to give rise to similar F
demands by followers of other religions and revival of the demand for
reservation of seats on religious grounds and for separate electorates
which was emphatically rejected by the Constituent Assembly. It is poison
which, if not eradicated from the system at the earliest, is bound to eat
into the vitals of the nation. It is, therefore, imperative that such provision
should not find place in the statute book so that further mischief is G
prevented and the secular character of the Republic is protected and
preserved. !1023C-E]

Kedar Nath Bajoria v. 77ze ~rate of West Bengal, [1954) 5 S.C.R. 30,
referred to. H
'
'-·

904 SUPREME COURT REPORTS [1993] l S.C.R.

A Shiva Rao, Framing of India's Constitution, Select Documents, Vol.II,
p.412 and Co11stitue11t Assembly Debates, Vol. V. p. 202, 224, 225, referred :r---
to.

Per l.M. Shanna, a. (Dissenting)

B 1. The provisions or Section 25A of the Representation of the People
Act, 1950 are ultra vires the Constitution. The provisions of Section
7(1A)(c) and the other connected amendments are also ultra vires the
Constitution. (9418, 935G]

The Buddhist Monasteries, which are the beneficiaries of the reser·
c vation, are admittedly religious institutions. If the entire Constitution is
considered harmoniously along with all the other materials; relevant in
-
law for this purpose inluding the 'Enacting History', there is no escape
from the conclusion that any weightage at the pol! in favour or a group on
the ground of religion is strictly prohibited and further, that this is a basic ~
D feature, which is nOt amenable to amendment. (9310, 935G]

B.K. Mukherjee, Hindu Law of Religious and Charitable Tmst;
George Kotturan, T7ze Himalayan Gateway; J.C. White, Sikkim and Bhutan
· Twellty One Years on the North-East Frontier 1887-1908; J.S. Lall, 77ie
E Himalaya - Aspects of change, 198i; Geoffrey Georer, Hii•zalayan Village
and A.C. Sinha, Politics of Sikkim - A Sociological Study, referred to. ).._

3. If the Constitution is so' interpreted as to permit, by an amend-
ment a seat to be reserved in the legislature for a group of religious
institutions like the Buddhist Monasteries, it will follow that such a
F reservation would be permissible for institutions belonging to other
religions also. And all this may ultimately change the very complexion of
the legislatures. The effect that only one seat has been reserved today for
the Monasteries in Sikkim is the thin edge of the wedge which has the
potentiality, to tear apart, in the course of time, the \'ery foundation, which
G the democratic republic is built-upon. All this is prohibited as being
abhorrent to the basic features of the Constitution. [932H, 933A-D]

3.1. Today a single seat in the legislature of one State is not con·
spicuously noticeable and may not by itself be capable of causing ir-
reparable damage, but this seed of discord has the potentiality or developing
H into a deadly monster. It is true that s.ome special rights have been envisaged
,.J
R.C. POUDYAL v. U.0.1. 905

in the Constitntion for handicapped classes but this has been done only to A
offset the disadvantage the classes suffer from, and not for bringing another
kind of imbalance by making virtue out of minority Stains. The Constitu-
tion, therefore, has taken. precaution to place rigid limitations on the e~tent
to which this weightage can be granted, by including express provisions
instead of leaving the matter to be dealt with by subsequent enactments -
limitations both by putting a ceiling on the reservation of seats in the
B
legislatures and excluding religion as the basis of discrimination. To ignore
these limitations is to encourage small groups and classes - which are in
good number in our country on one basis or the other- to stick to and rely on
their special status as members of separate groups and classes and not to
join the main-stream of the nation and be identified as Indians. It is, C
• therefore, absolutely essential that religion, disguised by any mask and
concealed within any cloak must be kept out of the field exclusively reserved
for the exercise of the State powers. [955D-H]

4. There is also another serious flaw in the reservation for the
Sangha rendering the same to be unconstitutional. By the impugned
D
provisions of the 1950 Act, a special electorate has been created for this
seat which is highly abhorrent to the fundamental tenets of the Constitu-
tion. [935H, 936A]

4.1. From the entire scheme of the Constitution, it is clear that its E
basic philosophy eloquently rejects the concept of separate electorate in
India. This conclusion is reinforced by the historical background, the
delebrations of the Advisory Committee, and the discussion which took
place in the Constituent Assembly before giving final shape to the Constitu-
tion. There is no reason for assuming that while inserting Article 371 F(O in F
the Constitution there was a complete reversal of faith on this basic and
vital matter, which was otherwise also not permissible. It follows that
consistent with the intention of the rest of the Constitution the provision
regarding the delimitation ofthe Assembly constituencies in Article 371 F(O
has to be interpreted in the san1e sense, as the expression has been used in
the other provisions. Clause (f) of Article 371 F neither by its plain language G
nor intendment permits separate electorates and any attempt to give a
different construction would not only be highly artificial and speculative but
~-
also would be violative of a basic feature of the Constitution. [940G-H, 941A]

B. Shiva Rao's Framing of Indian Constitution, Vol. II, pp. 56-57, 392, H
906 SUPREME COURT REPORTS [1993] 1 S.C.R.

A 412, referred t ).

Constituent ksemb/y Debates, Vol. V, P .225, 224, 202, referred to.

5. There is no parallel between the nominations permitted by the
Constitution to be made in the legislatures and the creation of a separate
B electorates for the Sangha. After the establishment of a democratic govern-
ment at every level in the country in one form or the other, nomination
under the Constitution amounts to exercise of a power to induct a member
in the legislature by an authority, who ultimately represents the people,
although the process of the representation may be a little involved. So far
C a handful of the Buddhist Monasteries in Sikkim are concerned, they
cannot be said to represent the people of Sikkim in any sense of the term.
Allotting a seat in the legislature to represent these religious institntions -
is bad enough by itself; and then, to compound it by vesting the exclusive
right in them to elect their representative to occupy the reserved seat is to
aggravate the evil. This cannot be compared with any of the provisions in
D the Constitution relating to nominations. [940D-F]

Quaere (iii) Whether the impugned provisions providing for reserva-
tion of twelve seats in favour ofBhutia-Lepchas are unconstitutional?

Per M.N. Venkatacha/iah (For himself, J.S. Venna and KJ. Reddy, JJ.).
E
1. Article 371F(I) cannot be said to violate any basic feature of the
Constitution such as the democratic principle. [986C]

1.1. The provisions of clauses (I) of Article 371 F and the consequent
F changes in the electoral laws were intended to recognise and accommodate
the pace of the growth of the political institutions of Sikkim and to make
the transition gradual and peaceful and to prevent dominance of one r
section of the population over another on the basis of ethnic loyalties and
identities. These adjustments and accommodations reflect a political ex-
pediencies for the maintenance of social equilibrium. Indeed, the im-
G pugned provisions, in their very nature, contemplate and provide for a
transitional phase in the political evolution of Sikkim and are thereby
essentially transitional in character. The impugned provisions have been
found in the wisdmn of Parliament necessary in the admission of a new
State into the Union. The departures are not such as to negate fundamen-
H tal principles. of democracy. Thus, the provisions in the particular situa-
R.C. POUDYAL v. U.0.1. 907

tion and th• permissible latitudes, cannot be said to be unconstitutional. A
[986E-H, 987H, 988A, Hl
1.2. It is true tbat the reservation of seats of the kiud and tbe extent
brought about by the impugned provisions may not, if applied to the
existing States of the Union, pass the Constitutional muster. But in
relation to a new territory admitted to the Union, the terms and conditions B
are not such as to fall outside the permissible coust;tutional limits. His-
torical considerations and compulsions do justify inequality and special
-<( treatment. (987A-BJ

Lachhman Dass etc. v. State of Punjab & Ors., A.l.R. 1963 S.C. 222 C
and State of Madhya Pradesh v. Bhopal Sugar Industries Ltd., (1964] 6
S.C.R. 846, referred to.

2. An examination of the constitutional scheme would indicate tbat
the concept of 'one person one vote' is in its very nature considerably
f tolerant of imbalances and departures from a very strict application and D
enforcement. The provision in tbe Constitution indicating proportionality
of representation is necessarily a broad, general and logical principle but
not intended to be expressed with arithmetical precision. The principle of
mathematical proportionality of representation is not a declared basic
requirement in each and every part of the territory of India. The systemic E
--'-. deficiencies in tbe plenitude of tbe doctrine of full and effective repre-
sentation bas not been understood in the constitutional pbilosophy as
derogating from the democratic principle. The inequalities in repre-
sentation in the present case are an inheritance and compulsion from the
past. Historical considerations have justified a diffen:ntial treatment.
[985G-H, 986A-B] F

Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 506 andAttomey GeneTal (CTH) Ex. Rei.
Mckinlay v. The Commonwealth, 135 C.L.R. (1975) 1, referred to.

2.1. Article 170 incorporates the rule of 'fair and effective repre- G
sentation'. Though tbe rule 'one person one vote' is a broad principle of
democracy, it is more a declaration or a political ideal than a mandate for
enforc-.ment with arithmetical accuracy. These are tbe usual problems
-( tbat arise !n· tbe delimitation or constituencies. In what is called "First·
past- tbe-post" system or elections, the variations in tbe size and in the
voting populaiions of different constituencies, detract from a strict H
908 SUPREME COURT REPORTS [1993) 1 S.C.R.

A achievement of this ideal. The system has the merit of preponderdnce of
"decisiveness" over "representativeness". [976E-F]

Keith Graham, 771e Battle of Democracy: Conflict, Consensus and the
Individual, referred to.

B 2.2. The concept of political equality underlying a democratic system
is a political value. Perfect political equality is only ideological. [977D)

Rodney Brazier, Constitutional Refonn: Re-shaping the British Politi-
cal System, referred to. )'

C Brazier, Constitutional Practice (Clarendon Press Oxford), referred
to.

Lijphart, Democracy in Plural Societies' Howard D. Hamilton, Legis-
lative Appointment: Key to Power; Gordon E. Baker, One Person, One Vote:
D Fair and Effective Representation? (Representation and Misrepresentation ~
- Rand McNally & Co. Chicago), referred to.

3. Tlic contention that clause (I) of Article 371 F would require that
\v!a:t l:'r~r provisions for reseniation of seats are considered necessary for
ibe purpose of protecting the rights and interests of different sections of
E the population of Sikkim, such reservations are to be made for all such
sections and not, as here, for one of them alone ignores thut the provision _>.-
in clause (0 of Article 371 F is merley enabling. If reservation is made by
Parliament for only one section it must, by implication, be construed to
have exercised the power respecting the other sections in a negational
sense. The provbion really enables resrvation confined only to a par-
F ticular section. (9888-C]

4. Clause (0 of Article 371 F is intended to enable, a departure from r
Article 332(2). This is the clear operational elTect of the non obstante
clause with which Article 371 F opens. [988F)
G
5. Mere existence of a Constitution, by itself, does not ensure con-
stitutionalism or a constitutional culture. It is the political maturity and
traditions of a people that import meaning to a Constitution which other-
wise merely embodies political hopes and ideals. [986E)

H Per S.C. Agrawal, J. (Concuning)
R.C. PO UDY AL v. U.0.1. 909

1. Clause (a) of sub-section (l-A) of Section 7 of the 1950 Act which A
provides for reservation of 12 seats in an Assembly having 32 seats for
•· -~ Sikkimese of Bhntia-Lepcha origin does not transgress the limits of the
power conferred on Parliament under Article 371 F(I) and it cannot be
said that it suffers fron. the vice of unconstitutionality. [1014E]

2. The reservation of seats for Bhutias and Lepchas is necessary B
because they constitute a minority and in the absence of reservation they
may not have any representation in the Legislative Assembly. Sikkimese of
'{ Nepali origin constitute the majority in Sikkim and on their own electoral
strengt" they can secure representation in the Legislative Asse.nbly
against the unreserved seats. Moreover, Sikkimese of Bhutia and Lepcha C

- origin have a distinct culture and tradition which is different from that of
Sikkimese of Nepali origin. Keeping this distinction in mind Bhutias and
Lepchas have been declared as Scheduled Tribes under Article 342 of the
Constitution. The Constitution in Article 332 makes express provision for
f- reservation of seats in the Legislative Assembly, of a State for Scheduled D
Tribes. Such a reservation which is experessly permitted by the Constitu-
tion cannot be challenged on the ground of denial of right to equality
guaranteed under Article 14 of the Constitution. [10088-D]

3. Clause (3) of Article 332 has to be considered in the light of clause
(I) of Article 371-F. The non·obstante clause in Article 371-F enables E
Parliament to make a departure from the ratio contemplated by Article
332(3) within the limitation which is inherent in the power conferred by
Article 371-F, i.e., not to alter any of the basic features of the Constitution.
- [1008E-F, 10098]
3.1. By providing for reservation to the extent of 38% of seats in the F
Legislative Assembly for Sikkimese of Bhutia-Lepcha origin Parliament has
sought to strike a balance between protection of the extent of 50% that was
available to them in the former State of Sikkim and the protection envisaged
under Article 332 (3) "of the Constitution which would have entitled them to
reservation to the extent of 25% seats in accordance with the proportion of G
their population to the total population of Sikkim. [lOlOC-0]

4. The principle of one man. one vote envisages that there should be
parity in the value of votes of electors. Such a parity though ideal for a
representative democracy is difficult to achieve. There is some departure in
every system following this democratic path. In the matter of delimitation of H
•no !'UPREME COURT REPORTS [1993] 1 S.C.R.

A constituencies, it often happens that the population of the one constituency
differ>. from that of the other constituency and as a result although both the
constituencies elt•ct one member, the value of the vote of the elector in the r ~
constituency having lesser population is more than the value of the vote of
t.he elector of the constituency having a larger population. [lOlOG-H, lOllA]

B Reynolds v. Sims, (1964) 377 U.S. 533; Maha11 v. Howel4 410 U.S. 315
and Attomey General (CTH) Ex." Rel. Mckinlay v. The Commo11wealtlt, 135
C.L.R. [1975] 1, referred to.

H.W.R. Wade: Co11stinitio11a/ Fu11damcntals, Tlze Hamlyn Lectures,
C 32nd Series, 1980, p.5, referred to.

4.1. Provisions of Delimitation Act, 1962 show that population, though
important, is only one of the factors that has to be taken into account while
delimiting constituencies which means that there need not be uniformity of
population and electordl strength in the matter of delimitation of constituen-
D cies. In other words, there is no insistence on strict adherence to equality of -~
votes or to the principle one vote-one value. [1013H, 1014A]

4.2. The words "as nearly as may be" in clause (3) of Article 332
indicate that even in the matter of reservation of seats for Schedllled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes it would be permissible to have deviation to
E some extent from the requirement that number of seats reserved for ).._
Scheduled Castes or the Scheduled Tribes in the Legislative Assembly of
any State shall bear the same proportion to the total number of seats as
the population of the Scheduled Castes or the Scheduled Tribes in the
State in respect of which seats are so reserved, hears to the total popula-
F tion of the state. The 11011-obstante clause in Article 371-F read with clause
(I) of the said Article enlarges the field of deviation in the matter of
reservation of seats from the proportion laid down in Article 332 (3). The r
only limitation on such deviation is that it must not be to such an extent
as to result in tilting the balance in favour of the Scheduled Castes or the
G Scheduled Tribes for whom the seats are reserved and thereby conyert a
minority into majority. This would adversely affect the democratic
functioning of the legislature in the State which is the core of repre-
sentative domocrary. [10148-D] )r-
4.3. The non-obstante clause in Article 371-F when read with clause (0
H of Article 371-F envisages that Parliament may, while protecting the rights
R.C. POUDYAL v. U.0.1. 91l

and interests of the different sections of the population of Sikkim deviate A
. ~- from the provisions of the Constitution, including Article 332. [IOIOF]

5. In view of the vast differences in their numbers the Sikkimese of
Nepali origin can have no apprechension about their rights and interests
being jeopardised on account of reservation of 12 seats for Sikkimese of
Bhutia-Lepcha origin in the Legislative Assembly composed of .l2 seats. B
Therefore, it cannot be said that reservation of seats for Sikkimese of
Nepali origin was required in order to protect their rights and interests
and in not making any provision for reservation of seats for Sikkimese of
Nepali origin Parliament has failed to give effect to the provisions of
clause (0 Article 371-F of the Constitution. [1025E-H] (

Per LM. Shanna, 0. (Dissenting)

l. The impugned provisions are ultra l'ires the Constitution including
+ Article 371F(0. [954E)
D
2. The problem of Bhutia-Lepcha Tribe is identical to that of the other
Tribes of several States where they are greatly out-numbered by the general
population, and which has been effectively dealt with by the provisions for
reservation in their favour included in Part XVI of the Constitution. It
cannot be justifiably suggested that by subjecting the provisions of the
·reservations to the limitations in clause (3) of Article 332, the Tribes in India E
have been left unprotected at the mercy of the overwhelming majority of the
general population. The reservations in Part XVI were considered adequatt'.
protection to them. Therefore, adequate safeguard in favour of the Bhutia·
Lepchas was already available under the Constitution and all that "as
required was to treat them as Tribes like the other Tribes which W'dS done by F
a !'residential Order issued under Article 342. Therefore, the object of clause
(I) was not to take care of this problem and it did not authorise the Parlia-
ment to pass the Amendment (Act 8of1980) inserting Section 7(1A) (a) in
the Representation of the People Act. 1950 and Section SA in the Repre-
sentation of the People Act, 1951 and other related amendments. They being G
violative of the Constitutional provisions including those in Articl• 37-IF (f)
are ultra vires. (948F-H, 949A-CJ

.~. Clause (I) permits the Parliament to take onl~· such steps which r .
uould be consistent with the provisions of the Constitution coming from
before. so that Sikkim could completely merge with India and be placed al f I •
9l2 SUPREME COURT REPORTS [1993] 1 S.C.R.

A par with the other States. This conclusion is irresistible if the facts and
circumstances which led to the ultimate marger of Sikkim in India are ,,.- ~
kept in mind. If clause (I) of Article 371F is so construed as to authorise
the Parliament to enact the impugned provisions it will be violative of the
basic features of the Constitution and, therefore, void. [946E-F, 953C]

B 3.1. The choice of the candidate and the right to stand as a candidate at
the election are inherent in the principle of adult suffrage, that is, one-man-
011e-vote. By telling the people that they have a choice to elect any of a select
group cannot be treated as a free choice or the candidate. This will only r
amount to lip service, too thinly veiled to conceal the reality of an oligarchy
C underneath. It will be just an apology for democracy; a subterfuge; and ifit is
per milted to cross the limit so as to violate the very core of the principle of
one-man-one- vote, and is not controlled by the constitutional safeguards as
included in clause (3) of Article 332 of the Constitution it will amount to a
huge fraud perpetrated against the people. [950E-G]

D 3.2. The very purpose of providing reservation in favour of a weaker
class is to aid the elemental principle of democracy based on one-man-
one-vote to succeed. The disproportionately excessive reservation creates
a privileged class, not brought to the same plane with others but put on a
higher pedestal, causing unhealthy competition, creating hatred and dis-
E trust between classes and fostering devisive forces. [950H, 951A]

3.3. The unequal apportionment of the role in the polity of the
. country assigned to different groups tends to foster unhealthy rivalry
impairing the mutual feeling of goodwill and fellowship amongst the
people, and encouraging divisive forces. [9558]
F
3.4. As explained by the Preamble the quality of democracy en-
visaged by the Constitution does not only secure the equality of oppor- r
tunity but of status as well, to all the citizens. This equality principle is
clearly brought out in several Articles in the different parts of the Con-
stitution, including Part XVI having special provisions relating to certain
G classes. The sole objective of providing for reservations in the Constitu-
tion is to put the principle of equal status to work. So far the case of
inadequate representation of a backward class in State services is con- )'c-
cerned, the problem is not susceptible to be solved in one stroke; and
consequently the relevant provisions are kept flexible permitting wider
H discretion so as to attain the goal of adequate proportionate repre-
R.C. POUDYAL v. U.0.1. [SHARMA, CJ.] 913

sentation. The situation in respect to representation in the legislature is A
entirely different. As soon as an election takes place in accordance with
the provisions for proportionate representation, the objective is achieved
immediately, because there Is no problem of backlog to be tackled. On the
earlier legislature disappearing, paving the way for new election, the
people get a clean slalt: before them. The excessive reservation in this B
situation will bring in an imbalance • of course of another kind • but
defeating the cause of equal status all the same. The pendulum does not
stand straight • it swings to the other side. The casualty in beth case• is
~ the equality clause. Both situations defeat the very object for which the
democratic forces waged the war of independence; and they undo what has
been achieved by the Constitution. This is clearly violative of the b?.sic C
features of the Constitution. [9528, F -H, 953A-B]

4. A perusal of the Agreement dated 8th May, 1973 clearly Indicates
that the spirit of the Indian Constitution pervaded through out the entire
Agreement and the terms thereof were drafted respecting the main prin-
ciples embodied in our Constitution. It must, therefore, be held that an D
interpretation cannot be given to the Agreement which will render it as
deviating from the constitutional pattern of the Indian Constitution.
[945A-B)

CIVIL ORIGINAL JURISDICTION : Transfer Case (C) No. 78 of E
982 etc. etc.

(Under Article 139A of the Constitution of India.)

Vepa Sharathy, Attorney General, G. Ramaswamy, Additional
Solicitor General, R.K. Jain, B.N. Bhat, K. Lahiri, K. Parasaran, A.K.
Ganguli. F.S. Nariman, Uday Lalit, A.C. Manoj Goel, K.M.K. Nair, Kailash
Vasudev, Sudhir Walia, Mohit Mathur, Ms. A. Subhashini, K. Swamy, T.
Topgay, Rathin Das, Ajit Kumar Sinha, S.C. Sharma, Amlan Ghosh, Ms.
J.S. Wad, Mayakrishnan, D.P. Mukherjee, G.S. Chatterjee, and K. N. Bhat
for the appearing Parties.
G
The Judgments of the Court were delivered by

SHARMA, CJ. The two constitutional questions of vital importance
which arise in this case are : (i) whether a seat can be earmarked at all in
the Legislature of a State after its complete merger.in India for a repre- H
914 SUPREME COURT REPORTS [1993] 1.S.C.R.

A sentative of a group of religious institutions to be elected by them, and (ii)
whether seats can be reserved in favour of a particular tribe far in excess
of its population. My answer to both the questions is in the negative.

2. These cases relate to the constitution of Legislative Assembly of
Sikkim which merged with India in 1975. They were instituted as writ peti-
B tions under Article 226 of the Constitution before the Sikkim High Court and
have been later transferred to this court. The main case being Writ Petition
No. 4 of 1980 registered as Transfer Case No. 78of1982 after transfer to this
Court was filed by the petitioner R.C. Poudyal in person and he was conduct- ~
ing this case himself, and will be referred to as the petitioner or the writ
c petitioner in this judgment. During the course of the hearing of the case, Mr. •
R.K. Jain assisted the <;:ourt as amicus curiae and pressed the writ petition on
his behalf. Transfer Case No. 84 of 1982 was filed by Somnath Poudyal as
Writ Petition No. 12of1980 in the High Court. takinga similar stand as in writ
petition No. 4of1980. The third case being Writ Petition No. 15of1990 filed
D by Nandu Thapa, also challenging the impugned reservations, is Transfer
Case No. 93 of 1991. During the hearing, however, the stand taken by his
counsd, Mr. K.N. Bhat was substantially different from the case of the main
writ petitioner, and he lent support to some of the arguments of the contest-
ing respondents. The case in Writ Petition No. 16of1990 of the High Court
(Transfer Case No. 94of1991 here) is similar to that in Transfer Case No. 93
E of 1991. The writ petition has been defended mainly by the State of Sikkim,
represented by Mr. K. Parasaran, Union of India appearing through Mr.
Attorney General and by Mr. F. S. Nariman on behalf of certain other parties.

3. The relevant provisions relating to the impugned reservations 'are
F those as included in the Representation of the People Acts, 1950 and 1951, by
t'ie Representation of the People (Amendment) Act, 1980 (Act 8 of 1980)
purportedly made by virtue of Article 371F(f), inserted in the Constitution in ' r
1975 by the Constitution (Thirty-Sixth Amendment) Act, 1975 and conse-
quential amendments in the Delimitation of Parliamentary and Assembly
Constituencies Order, 1976. The writ petitioner contends that the impugned
G provisions of the Representation of the People Acts arc ultra rircs of the
Constitution and cannot be saved by Article 371F(f). Alternatively it has hccn
argued that if the provision; of Article 371F(f) are interpreted as sugg<"tcd ).-
on behalf of the respondents, the same would be violative uflhc basic feat urcs
of the Constitution and would, therefore, itself be rendered invalid. Anothc r
H line \vhich was pL!rsued during the argument was that assuming the intL·r-
R.C. POUDYAL v. U.0.1. [SHARMA, CJ.] 915

pretation of the Act and the Constitution as put by the respondents is correct, A
still the circumstances do not justify the impugned reservations in the As-
sembly which ate, therefore, fit to be struck down.

4. The ease of the respondents who are challenging the stand of the
writ petitioner, is that the constitutional amendment bringing in Article B
371F(f), as also the relevant amended provisions of the Representation of
the People Acts are legal and valid, and having regard to all the relevant
circumstances in which Sikkim became a part of the Indian Union the writ
petition of the petitioner is fit to be dismissed.

5. For appreciating the points arising in the ease and the arguments c
addressed on behalf of the parties it will be necessary to briefly consider the
historical background of aud the constitutional position in Sikkim before and
after its merger with India. Sikkim, during the British days, was a princely
State under a hereditary monarch called Chogyal, subject to British
+ paramountcy. The Cliogyal, also described as Maharaja, was a member of the D
chamber of Princes entitled to gun salute of JS. The provisions of the
Government of India Act, 1935 were applicable and Sikkim thus did not have
any attribute of sovereignty of its own. On the independence of India in 1947
there was a public demand in Sikkim for merger with India which was resisted
by the Rulers. The statements made in paragraph 3 (v) in the counter affidavit
of the Union of India, respondent No. 1, sworn by the Deputy Secretary, E
Ministry of Home Affairs, is illuminating. It has been inter alia said that there
was a strong and clearly expressed sentiment on the,,part of the people of
Sikkim favouring closer relations with India an·d· growth of genuine
deniocratic institutions Jiv/iich led to large scale agitations demanding merger
with India. However, the Government of India did not favour an immediate F
change in Sikkim's status, and, therefore, only a treaty was entered into
between Sikkim and the Government ofln<lia whereunder the latter assumed
the responsibility with respect to the defence, external affairs and com-
munication of Sikkim on the terms detailed in the document dated 3.12.1950.
Chogyal, thereafter, took several steps towards sharing his power with the
people by pro,iding for elections, which v.ill be dealt with later. The public G
demand developed into \folent demonstrations leading to complete break-
down of law and order, which forced the then Chogyal to request the
Government of India to assume the responsibility for establishment of law
and order and good administration in Sikkim. Ultimately a formal agreement
was signed on May 8, 1973 to which the Government of India, the then H
916 SUPREME COURT REPORTS [1993] 1 S.C.R.

A Chogyal and the leaders of the political parties representing the people of
Sikkim, were parties. I will have to refer to this agreement in greater detail
later but it will be useful even at this stage to see one of the clauses of the
Agreement which reads as follows :-

"(1) The three parties hereby recognize and undertake to
B ensure the basic human rights and fundamental freedoms
of the people of Sikkim. The people of Sikkim will enjoy
the right of election 011 the basis of adult s11ffrage to give
effect to the principles of 011e man one vote."

c (emphasis added)

6. The population of Sikkim has bee.. constituted mainly by three
ethnic groups known as Lepchas, Bhutias and Nepalis. People from India
also have been going to and settling in Sikkim but their number was small
D before 1973. Although the population of Nepalis has been far larger than the
Lepchas and the Bhutias, their influence in the polity was considerably less as
Chogyal was a Bhutia and with a view to perpetuate his hold, there was a
consistent policy for uniting Lepchas and Bhutias as against the rest. On the
lapse of British paramountcy and in its place the substitution of the protec-
torate oflndia, Chogyal·in an attempt to assuage the public sentiment, issued
E a Proclamation providing for establishment of a State Council of 12 mem-
bers, allocating 6 seals to Bhutia and Lepchas and 6 to Nepalis, all to be
elected by the voters divided in 4 territorial constituencies. Only after a few
months a second Proclamation followed on March 23, 1953, adding seats for
6 more members \vith one of them as President of the Council to be
F nominated by the Maharaja, i.e., Chogyal. Thus the total number rose to 18.
Maharaja, however, reserved his right to veto any decision by the Council and
to substitute it by his own. Another Proclamation which was issued in 1957
again maintained the parity of 6 seats each for Bhutia-Lepchas and Nepalis.
By a further Proclamatio.n dated 16.3.1958, there was an addition of 2 more
seats to the Council, one described as Sangha seat earmarked for religious
G Budhist Monasteries run by Monks who arc Lamas, and another declared as
general seat. Thus, for the first time in 1958 Chogyal, by creating a general
seat took note of the presence of the immigrants who were neither Bhutia-
Lepchas nor Nepalis and were mostly Indians. He also introduced the Lamas
in the Council as he was sure of their support for him, as will be seen la.er.
H Appended to the Proclamation, there was a Note of the Private Secretary to
R.C. POUDYAL v. U.0.1. [SHARMA, CJ.] 917

the Chogyal which has been referred to by the respondents in their arguments A
in support of the impugned reservations. The Note is in three sub-paras
dealing with the Sangha seat, the general seat and the question of parity
between the Bhutia-Lepchas and the Nepalis. It has been mentioned in the
first sub-para (a) that the Sangha constituted a vital and important role in the
life of the community in Sikkim and had played a major part in taking of B
decisions by the Councils in the past. In sub-para (b) it has been stated that
the political parties have been demanding one-third of the total seats in the
Council to be made.available to all persons having fixed habitation in Sikkim
although not belonging to any of the categories of Bhutias-Lepchas and
Nepalis, and the Maharaja by a partial concession had allowed one seat for
the general people. The last sub-para declares the desire of the..Makorajo C
• that the Government of Sikkim should be carried on equally by the two
groups of the Bhutia-Lepchas and Nepalis, without one community imposing
itself or encroaching upon the other.

7. By a later Proclamation dated December 21, 1966 the Sikkim Coun- D
cil was reconstituted with a total number of24 members, out of whom 14 were
to be elected from 5 territorial constituencies, reserving 7 seats for Bhutia-
Lepchas and 7 seats for Nepalis; one by the Scheduled Castes, one by the
Tsongs, and one was to be treated as a general scat. The Sangha seat was
maintained, to be filled up by election through an electoral College of the
Sanghas and the remaining 6 seats to be nominated by the Chogyal as before. E
It appears that it was followed by another similar Proclamation in 1969, which
has not been placed before us by the parties.

8. In spite of the establishment of the Sikkim Council, the ultimate
power to govern remained concentrated in the hands of Chogyal, who be- F
sides having the right lo nominate 6 members in the Council, reserved to
~ himself the authority to veto as also of taking final decision in any matter. The
people could not be satisfied with this arrangement, and as said earlier, there
was widespread violent demonstrations and complete collapse of law and
order which forced the Chogyal to approach the Government of India to take
control of the situation. The 3 parties namely the Chogyal, the people of G
Sikki1n represented by the leaders of the political parties, and the Govern-
--:\_ menl of India were ultimately able to arrive al the terms as included in the
Tripartite Agreement of 8.5.1973 and the authority of Chogyal was consider-
ably reduced. The preamble in the agreement specifically mentioned that the
people of Sikkim had decided to adopt, ·H
..
918 SUPREME COURT REPORTS [1993] 1 S.C.R.

A "A system of elections based on adult suffrage which will
give equitable representation to all sections of the people
on the basis of the principle of one man one vote."

(emphasis supplied)

B It was further said that with a view to achieve this objective, the
Chogyal as well as the representatives of the people had requested the
Government of India to take necessary steps. The first paragraph dealing
with the Basic Rights declared that the people of Sikkim would enjoy the
right of election on the basis of adult suffrage to give effect to the principle
C of one man one vote. Another provision of this agreement which is highly
important for decision of the issues in the present case is to be found in
the 5th paragraph which reads as follows:-

"The system of elections shall be so organised as to make
D the Assembly adequately representative of the various
sections of the population. The size and composition of
the Assembly and of the Executive Council shall be such
as may be prescribed from time to time, care being taken
to ensure that no single section of the population acquires
a dominating position due mainly to its ethnic origin, and°
E that the rights and interests of the Sikkimese Bhutia Lep-
cha origin and of the Sikkimese Nepali, which includes
Tsong and Scheduled Caste origin, are fully protected."

Strong reliance has been placed on the above paragraph on behalf of the
F respondents in support of their stand that the Bhutia-Lepchas who con-
tribute to less than one-fourth of the total population of the State, are
entitled to about 40% of the seats in the Council as allowed by the .r
impugned provisions.

9. The next Proclamation which is relevant in this regard was issued
G on the 5th of February, 1974 and was named as the Representation of
Sikkim Subjects Act, 1974. It directed the formation of Sikkim Assembly
consisting of 32 elected members - 31 to be elected from 31 territorial
constituencies and one Sangha constituency to elect one member through
an electoral College of Sanghas. The break-up of the 32 seats is given in
H section 3, directing that 16 constitutencies including one for the Sangha
R.C. POUDYAL 1·. U.0.1. iSHARMA, O.J 919

were to be reserved for Bhutia-Lepchas, and the reamining 16 including A
one for Tsongs and another for the Scheduled Castes for Nepalis. As a
result the general seat disappeared. A further Act was passed the same
year in the month of July by the newly constituted Sikkim Assembly
emphasising once more the decision of the people to hold the elections to
the Assembly "on the basis of one man one vote", that is to say every person
B
who on the prescribed date was a Subject of Sikkim, was not below the
prescribed age and was not otherwise disqualified under the Act was
entitled to be registered as voter at any future election.

10. The Assembly which was establlshed under the 1974 Act was
vested with larger powers than the Council earlier had, and the fight for C

- effective power between Chogyal and the people entered the crucial stage.
The main party, Sikkim Congress, representing the people captured 31 out
of 32 seats at the poll at the election held in pursuance of the agreement,
and it is significant that its elections menifesto went on to state:

-+ "We also aspire to achieve the same democratic rights and D
institutions that the people of India have enjoyed for a
quarter of century."

(emphasis added)
E
...., SikkimUltimately a special opinion poll was conducted by the Government of
and an unambiguous verdict was returned by the people in favour of
Sikkim's joining and becoming a part of the Indian Union. In pursuance of

- this development the Constitution of India was amended by the Constitution
(Thirty-Fifth Amendment) Act, 1974, inserting Article 2A which made Sik-
kim associated with the Union of India on certain terms and conditions. The F
amendment came into force in February, 1975. On the 10th of April, 1975 the
Sikkim Assembly passed another momentous resolution abolishing the in-
~
titution of Cliogyal and declaring that Sikkim would henceforth be a con-
stituent unit of India, enjoying a democratic and fully responsible
government. A request was made in the resolution to the Government of
G
India to take the necessary measures. Accordingly, the Constitution was
further amended by the Constitution (Thirty-Si>.th Amendment) Act, 1975
which became effective in May, 1975. As a result of this constitutional
--o.\_
amendment Sikkim completely merged in the Union oflndia.

11. By the Thirty-Fifth Amendment of the Constitution, Sikkim was, H

.•
920 SUPREME COURT REPORTS [1993] 1 S.C.R.

A as mentioned earlier, merely associated with the Union of India by inser-
tion of Article 2A on the terms and conditions set out separately in a
schedule added as the Tenth Schedule. Certain amendments were made in
Articles 80 and 81 also. By the Thirty-Sixth Amendment of the Constitu-
tion, a full merger of Sikkim with Union of India was effected by adding
Sikkim as Entry 22 in the First Schedule of the Constitution under the
B heading '1. The State'. Further, some special provisions were made in a
newly added Article 371F, and strong reliance has been placed on behalf
of the respondents on the provisions of clause (f) in Article 371F as
authorising the impugned amended p.rovisions in the Representation of the
People Acts. Article 2A, the Tenth Schedule, and certain other provisions
C in some of the Articles were omitted.

12. In 1978 the Bhutia-Lepchas were declared as Scheduled Tribes
in relation to the State of Sikkim by a Presidential Order issued under
clause (1) of Article 342 of the Constitution of India, and they thus became
D entitled to the benefits of reservation of seats in the State legislature in
accordance with Article 332. The Consequential reservation in the state
legislature were made in the Representation of the People Act, 1950 and
the Representation of the People Act, 1951, twice by the Act 10 of 1976
and the Act 8 of 1980, but not consistent with clause (3) of Article 332
which is in the following terms :-
E
'332 Reser;ation of seats for Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes in the Legislative Assemblies of the
States. --

F (1) ...............................................................................................

(2) ............................................................................................... ..

(3) The number of seats reserved for the Scheduled Castes
or the Scheduled Tribes in the Legislative Assembly of any
G State under clause (1) shall bear, as nearly as May be, the
same proportion to .the total number of seats in the As-
sembly as the population of the Scheduled Castes in the
State or of the Scheduled Tribes in the State or part of the
State, as the ease may be, in respect of which seats are so
H reserved, bears to the total population of the State."
)' R.C. POUDYAL v. U.0.1. [SHARMA, CJ.] 92.1

'i Out of the total seats of 32 in the House, 12 have been reserved for A
' Sikkimese of Bhutia-Lepcha origin and one seat for the Sanghas by clauses
(a) and (c) respectively of the newly inserted sub-section (lA) in section 7
o,f the Representation of the People Act, 1950. Dealing further with the
Sangha seat it is provided in section 25A of the 1950 Act that there would
he a Sangha constituency in the State and only Sanghas belonging to
Monasteries recongnised for the purpose of elections held in Sikkim in
B
April, 1974 shall be entitled to be registered in the electoral roll, and the
said electoral roll shall be prepared or revised in such a manner as may be
directed by the Election Commission. Consequently amendments were
made by inserting section 5A in the Representation of the People Act,
1951. The extent of each constituency and the reservation of seats were C
- initially directed to follow the position immediately before the merger
under the Thirty-Sixth Amendment of the Constitution, and later amend-
ments were made in this regard in the Delimitation of Parliamentary and
Assembly Constituencies Order, 1976. The amended provisions of sub-sec-
tion (3) of section 7 dealt with (besides dealing with Arunachal Pradesh) D
this matter. These special provisions have been challenged by the writ
petitioner on various grounds.

13. The first objection taken on behalf of the respondents is to the
maintainability of the writ petitions on the ground that the dispute raised by
the petitioner is of political nature and the issues are not justiciable. The E
argument proceeds thus. To acqure fresh territories is an inherent attribute
of sovereignty and this can be done by conquest, treaty or otherwise on such

- conditions which the sovereign considers necessary. Any question relating
thereto entirely lies within the political realm and is not amenable to the
court's jurisdiction. Referring to Articles 2 and 4 of the Constitution it has F
been urged that the admission into the Union of India is permissible without
a constitutional amendment and the terms and conditions of such admission
are not open to scrutiny by the courts. Article 371F must, therefore, be
respected, and the impugned amendments of the Representation of the
People Acts must be held to be legally valid on account of the provisions of
clause (f) of Article 371F. I am afraid this argument fails to take into account G
the vital difference between the initial acquisition of additional territory and
the admission to the same as a full-fledged State of the Union of India similar
to the other States.

14. Special provisions for any State can certainly be made by an H
922 SUPREME COURT REPORTS [1993[ 1 S.C.R.

A amendment of the Constitution, as is evident by Articles 371A, 371B, 371C
~t cetera, but it is not permissible to do so in derogation of the basic
features of the Constitution. So far the power of sovereignty to acquire new F
territories is co~erned, there cannot be any dispute. The power is in-
herent, it was, therefore, not considered necessary to mention it in express 'F"

terms in the Constitution. It is also true that if an acquisition of new '
B
territories is made by a treaty or under an agreement the terms of the same
will be beyond the scrutiny of the courts. The position, however, is entirely
different when new territory is made part of India, by giving it the same
'·
status as is enjoyed by an existing State under the Constitution of India.
The process of such a merger has to be under the Constitution. No other
c different process adopted can achieve this result. And when this exercise
is undertaken, there is no option, but to adopt the procedure as prescribed
in conformity with the Constitution. At this stage the court's jurisdict.ion to
examine the validity of the adopted methodology cannot be excluded.
- '

D 15. So far the present case in concerned the decision docs not admit -t"
of any doubt that when the Thirty-Sixth Amendment of the Constitution
was made under which Sikkim joined India as a full-fledged State like other
Slates, power of amendment of the Constitution was invoked, and this had
to be done only consistent with the· basic features of the Constitution. As
mentioned earlier when Sikkim became associated with India as a result of
E
the Thirty-Fifth Amendment of the Constitution, it did not become a State
of the Union of India. A special status was conferred on Sikkim by Article
2A read with Tenth Schedule but, without amending the list of the States
in the First Schedule. Although the Status, thus bestowed on Sikkim then,
was mentioned as Associate, it could not be treated as a mere protectorate
-
F of India. The protectorateship had been there in existence from before
under the earlier treaties and by Article 2A read with Tenth Schedule
something more was achieved. This, ho\vevcr, \Vas short of Statehood.
Consequently Sikkim was not enjoying all the benefits available under the
Constitution of India. By the Thirty-Sixth Amendment there came a vital
G change in the .Status of Sikkim. It was included as the 22nd Entry in the
list of the States in the First Schedule without any reservation. Article 2A
the Tenth Schedule and other related provisions included in the Constitu-
tion by the Thirty-Fifth Amendment, were omitted from the Constitution. .)Iii·
H Thus, as a result of the Thirty-Sixth Amendment Sikkim became as much

••
•
. ,,) '

R.C. POUDYAL v. U.0.1. [SHARMA, O.J 923

.. "'I .
a State as any other. Considered in this background, the objection to the A
maintainability of the writ petitions cannot be upheld. Further, the cha!-
lenge by the writ petitioner is to the amendments introduced in the
Representation of the People Acts by the Central Act 8 of 1980 as being
unconstitutional and not protected by Article 371F(f) and this point again
has to be decided by the Court. If the conclusion be that clause (f) of B
Article 371F permits such amendments the further question whether clause
(f) itself is violative of the basic features of the Constitution will have to be
examined. In my view the position appears to have been settled by the
-{
Constituted Bench of this Court in Ma11gal Si11gh a11d A11r. v. U11io11of111dia,
(1967] 2 SCR 109, at page 112 in the follO\ving terms :-
c
- 'The law referred to in Arts. 2 & 3 may therefore alter or
amend the First Schedule to the Constitution which sets
out the names of the States and description of territories
thereof and the Fourth Schedule allotting scats to the States
--t- in the Council of States in the Union Parliament. D
............ Power with which the Parliament is invested by Arts.
2 and 3, is power to admit, establish, or form new States
which conform to the democratic pattem em•isaged by the
Co11stit11tio11; and the power which the Parliament may
exercise by law is supplemental, incidental or consequential
E
~- to the admission, establishment or formation of a State as
contemplated by the Consitution, and is not power to over-
ride the co11stit11tio11a/ scheme.

(emphasis added)
F
16. IL would be of considerable help to refer also to several observa-
tions made by Gajcndragadkar, J. on behalf of the Bench of 8 learned
Judges of this Court in Re: 77te Bentbari Union and Exchange of Enclaves:
[1960] 3 SCR 250, although the facts of that case '~ere not similar to those
before us. Dealing with the treaty making power of a sovereign State the G
learned Judge observed at pages 283-284 of the report that it is an essential
attribute of sovereignty that a State can acquire foreign territory and in
case of necessity cede the parts of its territory in favour of the foreign State,
but this power is of course subject to the limitations \vhich the Constitution
of the State may either expressly of by necessary implication impose in that H
..'--.
924 SUPREME COURT REPORTS [1993] 1 S.CR.

A behalf. Article 1 (3) (c) does not confer power or authority in India to
acquire territories, and what the clause purports to do is to make a formal
provision for absorption and integration of any foreign territories which
,,
may be acquired by virtue of its inherent rights to do so. In this background
..
Articles 1, 2, 3 and 4 were examined and the question was concluded thus:-

B ''The crux of the problem, therefore, is: Can Parliament
legislate in regard to the Agreement under Art. 3?"

"There can be no doubt that foreign territory which after
acquisition becomes a part of the territory of India under
c Art..1 (3) (c) is included in the last clause of Art. 3 (a) and
that such territory may, after its acquisition, be absorbed
in the new State which may be formed under Art. 3 (a).
Thus Art. 3 (a) deals with the problem of the formation of
-
a new State and indicates the modes by which a new State
can be formed." '
D ~
Dealing with the nature of the power of ceding a part of the territory,
it was held that such a power cannot be read in Article 3 (c) by implication,
and in the case of a part of the Union Territories there can be no doubt
that Article 3 docs not cover them. The conclusion arrived at was that this
E was not possible by a law under Article 3 and an amendment of the
Constitution was essential. It is true that in case of acquisition Article 2 ~
comes into play but that is only at the initial stage when the new territory
joins and becomes the territory of India under Article I (3)(c). In the
present case the power under Article 2 was not exercised at any point of
time. Initially, as pointed out earlier, Sikkim joined India as an Associate
-
F
State by Article 2A introduced in the Constitution by a.n amendment. When
further steps of its complete merger with India were taken, the methodol-
';-
ogy under Article 3 was not available in view of the observations in Bentbari
case. Correctly assessing the situation, fresh steps for amendment of the
Constitution onte more were taken and Sikkim was granted the status of
G a full Statehood at par with the other States by the Thirty-Sixth Amend-
ment of the Constitution. Once this was done it had to be consistent with
the basic features of the Constitution.
.·
)c

17. If we assume that the stand of the respondents as mentioned
H earlier on this aspect is correct, the result will be that in a part of India.
RC. POU DY /\L 1·. U.O.l. i?HARMA. CJ .J 925

joining the nation later, a different rule may have to be allowed to prevail. A
This is not a fanciful hypothesis. Even during this last decade of the present
century there are Tribes, in isolation from the rest of the world, maintaining
a social order of primitive nature completely oblivious of the long strides
of civilisation through history. In case of illness, the treatment is entrusted
to the witch doctor and the trial of an alleged crime is left to certain B
persons supposed to be having super-natural powers employing bizzare
methods for decision on the accusation. Without any regard for human
dignity, women accused of being possessed of witchery are burnt alive and
many such customs are followed which are highly abhorrent to every
concept of justice, liberty, equality and every other quality for which our
c
- civilisation stands today. If steps are taken to grant legitimacy to a slate of
affairs repulsive to the basic features of our Constitution, the Courts are
under a duty to judicially examine the matter.

18. Mr. Parasaran, in the course of his argument fervently appealed
.to this Court to decline to consider the questions raised by the petitioner D
on merits, on the ground that the issues are political. He proceeded to
contend, in the form of a qu.estion, that if one of our neighbouring countries
(he discreetly omitted to identify it) wishes to join India on certain condi-
tions inconsistent with the philosophy of our Constitution, should we deny
ourselves the opportunity of forming a largei- and stronger country, and in E
the. process, of eliminating the unnecessary tension \vhich i~ causing grave
concern internationally. If I n1ay say so, the fallacy lies in this line of
thought due to the assemption that there is only om i" ;·.co:. ctvailable in
- such a situation and that i;-; by Vv·ay of •~ co1nplctt.' _r,1ergcr under our
Constitution, as has been adopteJ in the cctSl' of Sik.l...im, qy the Thirty-Sixth
F
Amendmen'. The plea ignores n!hcr alternatives which may be adopted,
for example, by forming a confederation. However, this question is highly
hypothetical and is surely political in nature and I do not think it is
necessary lo answer it in precise terms.

19. The maintainability of the writ petitions has also been questioned G
by Mr. Attcrney General an<l Mr. I\arirnan on si111ilar gr~11E1ds. I have
con.sidercd the plea of unjustieiability of the dispute raised in the light of
all the arguments addressed before us, but since I do not find any merit
therein, I hold that the courts are not only vested with the jurisdiction to
consider and decide the points raised in the writ petitions, but are under H
\
· c__
'
926 SUPREME COURT REPORTS [1993) 1 S.C.R.

A a duty to do so.

20. On the merits of the writ petitions let us first consider the position
with respect to Sangha seat. It is not in· dispute that the reserved seat is
earmarked for the representative of a number of Buddhist Monasteries to
B be elected by an electoral college of Lamas in which the entire population
of Sikkim excepting the registered Buddhist Priests, have been denied any
say. For the purpose of explaining Sangha, Mr. Parasaran has referred to
the book on Hindu' law of Religious and Charitable Trusts by BJ(. Muk-
herjee, dealing with Buddhism and stating that Buddhism was essentiaUy a
monastic religion and the Buddhist Order or congregation of monks was
C known by the name of Sangha and this Sangha together with Buddha and
Dharma (sacred law) constituted three jewels which were the highest
objects of worship among the Buddhists. With a view to show that the
-
Sangha could be given an exclusive voting right to a seat reserved for this
purpose, further reliance was placed on a passage saying that the Sangha
D was undoubtedly a juristic person and was capable of holding property in
the same way as a private person could. Further as a corporation the
Sangha enjoyed a sort of immortality and was consequently fit to hold
property for ever. In other words, Sangha also described as a Buddhist
congregation has, like the Christian Chruch, a corporate life and a jural
existence. Maths were founded by Adi Shankaracharya and other Hindu
E ascetics on the model of these Buddhist vihars. Now, coming to the
impugned provision of the Act it will be seen that section 7(1A)(c) of the
Representation of the People Act, 1950 allots one seats for Sanghas
referred to in section 25A. Section 25A states that notwithstanding anything
contained in sections 15 and 19, the Sanghas belonging only to such
-
F Monastries as were recongnised for the purpose of elections held in April,
1974 for forming the Assembly for Sikkim, shall be entitled to be registered
in t:1e electoral roll. The Election Commission has to prepare or revise the
same in consultation with the Government of Sikkim. Before Sikkim joined
India, Buddhism was the State religion. The Gazetteer 1864 of Sikkim
stated that 'Lamas or Tibetan Buddhism is the State religion of Sikkim".
G The position continued till 1974 when the elections for Constituent As-
sembly were held. The case of the writ petitioner is that the reservation in
favour of the Sangha based on religious with a separate electorate of the
religious monasteries is violative of the basic structure of the Constitution
of India, and is not permissible after Sikkim joined India as a full-fledged
H State. It is turther contended that the number of the persons actually
R.C l'OUDYAL 1·. lJ.0.1. !SHARMA. CJ.J 927

entitled to exercise the right being considerably very small (about 30 only). A
their share works out to be disproportie~ately very high.

21. In reply Mr. Parasaran contended that Sangha has played a vital
role in the life of the community for a long time in the past, and a body
consisting of Lamas and laity - Lhade-Medi - has contributed towards
cultural, social and political development of the people of Sikkim. The
B
Sangha seat was, therefore, introduced in order to provide for their repre-
sentation. Their interest is· synonymous with the interest of the minority
communities and this reservation, which is coming from the time of
Chogyal, should be maintained. He quoted from the Book 'the Himalayan
Gateway' by George Kotturan, dealing with the history and culture of .C
Sikkim, which states that the author found the monasteries everywhere
looking after the spiritual needs of a small community. The Chogyal also
allowed the Lamas to play a role in the administration and this arrange-
ment is, therefore, not fit to be disturbed. The learned counsel explained
the position in his own way as asserting that in substance the reservation D
is not in favour of a religous body and it is not based solely on religous
consideration. The Buddhist priests were rendering useful service lo the
people and the reservation must, therefore, be upheld as valid and the fact
that they belong to a particular religious body sl,ould he ignored.

22. Similar was the approach of the Attorney General and Mr. E
Nariman but no further light was thrown during their arguments. Mr. Phur
lshcring Lepcha who was added later in these cases as a party-respondent
on an intervention application, filed his written argument illler a/ia slating
that Sangha is a distinct identity which has played a very vital role in the
life of the community since the earliest known history of Sikkim and has F
played a major part in deciding the important issues. The Lhadi-Medi, a
body consisting of all the Lamas and laity has contributed towards cultural,
social and political development of the people of Sikkim, and the rc.scrYa-
tion in favour of Sangha was introduced in order to provide for the
representation of a section which was responsible for the basic culture of
the Sikkimese Bhutia-Lepchas including some sections of the Nepali com- G
munity of Sikkim. Reliance has been placed on many passages from the
book 'Hima(ra11 Gateway' by Georage Kotturan, referred to earlier. In
substance the stand taken in the argument by Mr. Parasaran and supple-
mented by his written submissions, has been re-emphasised by Phur lsher-
ing Lepcha. The excerpts from the book give the history of Buddhism, and H
928 SUPREME COURT REPORTS f1993) 1 S.C.R.

A described how the religion got modified from time to time under the
guidance of many Saints going to Sikkim from India. It is further stated
that the culture of Sikkim under the Chogyal was essentially religious and
the patron saint of Sikkim Lhatsum Chhembo, believed to be an incarna-
tion of an Indian Saint, is according to the traditional belief, incarnated
B more than once; and that the late 12th Chogyal of Sikkim, Palden Thondup
Namgyal (referred to in the book as "Present Chogyal') was (accroding !CJ
the belief) and incarnate of Chogyal Sidkeong who himself was an incar-
nate Lama. There is a list of Monasteries of Sikkim as given at page 481
which indicates that the separate electorate contains only a little more than
30 Sanghas. Some passages from other books have also been quoted in the
C written argument and what is stated at page 15 of 'Sikkim and Bhutan -
Twenty-One years on the North- East Frontier 1887-1908' by J.C. White,
C.l.E. (Political Officer of Sikkim, 1889-1908) indicates that "as a rule the
Lamas are ignorant, idle and useless, living at the expense of the country,
which they are surely dragging down. There are, of course, exceptions to
D every rule and I have met several lamas' who appeared to be throughly
capable, 'but I am sorry to say that such men were few and far between.
The majority generally lead a wordly life and only enter the priesthood as
a lucrative pro~ession and one which entails no trouble to themselves".

Another book 'The Himalaya - Aspects of Cliange, 1981' by J.S. Lall
E (Dewan of Sikkim, 1949-1952) mentions at pages 228-229 that "Though
Lamaist Buddhism continues to be the official religion, it is professed
mainly by the Butias, Lepchas and Newars; along with a few of the other
tribal groups such as Tamangas, and the Buddhistic overlay wears thin in
Dzongu where nun traditions survive". It is further mentioned that the
influence of the Monasteries was diminishing and fewer and fewer young
F
boys were being sent by their families as novices for the priesthood. The
last Chogyal, who was himself an incarnate Lama was greatly concerned al
this loss of interest and set up a training school for attracting more novices.
Fresh impetus in a different way was also given to the "Buddhist revival"
through the presence of a renowned teacher and and mystic from Tibet.
G All this was happening quite late problably in 1950s.

Reliance has also been placed OP 'Himalayan Village', a book by
Geoffrey Gorer which at pages 192-193 reads thus:-

H "Finally lamaism is a social organisation. The lamas (lo a
I
J'
R.C. POUDYAL v. U.0.1. [SHARMA, CJ.] 929

lesser extent the nuns) are arranged in a disciplined A
hierarchy. They are a section of society which performs
~··
for the whole society its religious functions; in return the
rest of society should give material support to the lamas.
In Tibet this social aspect is extremely important, the
lamas possess the greater part of the temporal power and B
are also as a group an exploiting class; the monasteries
own land and the peasants attached to the land are prac-
tically monastery serfs. The lower-ranking lamas also work
for the benefit of those of higher rank and are possibly as
much exploited as the peasants; but they have, at least in
theory, the possibility of rising to the higher ranks, which c
- possibilities are completely shut out from the laymen. In
Sikkim, as far as I can learn, the social influence of the
lamas is considerably less;''.

-..- (emphasis added) D
Another book by A.C. Sinha - "Politics of Sikkim - A Sociological
Snidy" - describes the system of Sikkim thus :-

"The political system of Sikkim is a typically Himalayan
theocratic feudalism parallel to the Tibetan Larnaist pat- E
tern. The ruler is not only the secular head of the Stat~,
but also an incarnate lama with responsibility to rule the

- subjects in accordance with the tenets of the "Choos" - the
Dharma. The basic tenets of the Lamaist polity in Sikkim
ever since 1642 are the Chos (Chhos) as the established F
religion and the rulers (rGyalpo) who are instrumental in
~ unholding the doctrine justifying the appellation, the
"Chos-rGyal" (Chogyal)."

(emphasis added)
G
This book goes on to record how the Buddhist Monasteries having the
patronage of the Chogyal came to wield authority in Sikkim. The Monks,
~ however, "Were drawn from the high-born Bhotias and Lepchas". The
Lamas did not confine their participation only to the administration but
also controlled the electorate. At page 78 it is stated that the major portion H
I
, \_
'

930 SUPREME COURT REPORTS [1993] l S.C.R.

A of the trans-Himalayan trade was in the hands of Marwaris, the aristocracy
and some of the Lamas.
-r
23. Another intervenor whicq placed its case is Sikkim Tribal Welfare
Association, a registered organisation for the purpose of inter alia "to
effectively and efficiently establish and promote a strong and healthy
B
organisation of the Bhutias, Lepchas and Sherpas of Sikkim at Gangtok,
and subsequently to build up similar organisations in the four districts of
Sikkim". In its written argument very long excerpts have been given from a
book by Joseph Dalton Hooker who visited Sikkim in 1848 (the book was .,.
published in 1854), giving detailed descriptions of the features, habits,
c customs et cetera of the Lepchas which are certainly very interesting but,
of little relevance in the present cases. The intervenor has relied on this
book for showing that the Lepchas were inhabiting Sikkim earlier than the -
arrival of the Nepalis who were inducted by the British rulers and others.
The customs followed by them, as mentioned in the book, indicate that
D "their existence was primitive in nature so much so that every tribe had a ~
priest doctor; who neither knew or practised the healing art, but was a pure
exorcist; all bodily ailments being deemed the operations of devils, who arc
cast out by prayers and invocations". On the question as to who are the
early settlers in Sikkim there is serious controversy, the other view being
E that so far the Bhutias are concerned they could not be treated as
aboriginals. I do not think anything turns on the question as to the order )-
in which the different sections of the population settled in Sikkim and I,
therefore, do not propose to consider the affidavits filed by the parties on
this aspect. From the records, however, it is clear that a seat in the Council
F was allotted to the Sanghas for the first time in 1958 and the Lamas
-
manning the Sanghas are drawn from the minority section of the population
(less than 25%) belonging to Bhutia and Lepcha tribes. The reason given
by the different respondents in support of the reservation of the Sangha j-
seat is the historical background showing that the Lamas, besides perform-
G ing the religious rites and discharging the religious and spiritual duties were
rendering social service and with the patronage of Chogyal were permitted
to take part in the administration. It is argued that although the Chogyal
might have disappeared, the participation by these Buddhist Monks in the
administration should not be denied. The issue is whether this is permis-
H sible after Sikkim joined India as a full-fledged State.
R.C. POUDYAL 1·. U.0.1. [SHARMA, O.J 931

24. It is firmly established and needs no elaboration that an amend- A
meat of the Constitution which violates the basic features of the Constitu-
tion is not permissible. It has been contended on behalf of the respondents
that the provisions of clause (t) of Article 371F do not in any way offend
any of the basic features and since the clause permits the impugned
reservations in the Representation of the People Acts, they have to be
B
upheld.

25. So far the reservation of Sangha seat is concerned, the question
is whether this violates Article 15 as also several other provisions of the
Constitution; and further whether these constitutional provisions are unal-
terable by amendment. If they are basic in nature they will have to be C
respected and clause (t) must be construed not to have violated them in
spite of the 11on-obsta11te clause with which the Article begins.

26. Let us first consider Article 15 which prohibits discrimin"tion on
the ground of religion. The Buddhist Monasteries, which are the D
beneficiaries of the reservation, are admittedly religious institutions. What
the respondents have tr.ied to suggest is that although basically the
Monasteries are religious in nature, they form a separate section of the
society on accont of the social services they have been rendering mainly to
the Bhutia-Lepcha section of the population. Further emphasis has been
laid on the fact that they were participating in the administration by the E
blessings of the Chogyals for about 17 years - yes, only 17 years - as the
seat in their favour was created for the first time in 1958 before the merger
with India. The argument is that in this background they should not be
treated as merely religious institutions for the purposes of reservation, and
in any e\·ent religion is not the only basis for putting them in a separate F
group. The classification, therefore, is not unconstitutional. I do not find
myself in a position to agree with the respondents. The Buddhist
~.
Monasteries are religious in nature out and out, and, besides taking care
of the spiritual needs of the people and looking after the ritual side of the
Buddhist religion, they are also trying to do all what their religion expects
from them. The concern for the people and the society stands high on the G
agenda of Buddhism, and for that matter, of all religions. But it is only in
the capacity of Monks that they have been trying to help a minority section
.A. of the people of Sikkim and that is their true identification. The position
could have been different if the reservation had been in favour of a social
group devoted to public service, which for identification had led to H
932 SUPREME COURT REPORTS {1993] 1 S.C.R.
..
A religious groups including these Monks as well. But that is not so. The
position is just the other way. The attempt of the respondents is to defend
reservation in favour of a particular religious body and by way of justifica-
tion for the same to bring in the element of social service. They forget that
the role of the Sanghas in rendering social service to a section of the public
is not a feature special for these Monasteries. The self-less services
B rendered by the Christian Missionaries to the helpless sick persons, spe-
cially in many under-developed parts of the world, and to the badly injured
soldiers in the war; or, for that matter, the all round care of the society
which has been taken by the innumerable Hindu Maths and temples
(trusts) in t_he different parts of India for ages cannot be ignored. A very
C large number of charitable institutions run ·by Hindu and Muslim religious
bodies have been always helping the people in many ways. Learned and
selfless religious saints and leaders have made significant contributions in
establishment of civilised society for centuries and history shows that this
has been done through the instrumentality of religious institutions and
D organisations. Similar is the position -with respect to the other religions in
India. The positive role religion has played in lifting humanity from bar-
baric oblivion to the present enlightened and cultured existence should not
be belittled. But, at the same time, it cannot be forgotten that religion has
been from time to time, misused to bring on great misfortunes on mankind.
In modern times, therefore, social and political . thinkers do not hold
F. unanimous view on the question of the desirability to allow religion to
influence and control politics and the State instrumentality. The difference -
in the two perceptions is vital and far-reaching in effect, and generally one
view or the other has been accepted as national commitment, not subject
to a change. When I proceed to examine the issue further I will not be
F using the expression 'religion' in its pure and true sense spreading universal
compassion and love, but in the ordinary concept as it is popularly under-
stood today and accepted by the general man in the modern time, some-
times as a spiritual experience, sometimes as customary rituals but most of
the time as a social and political influence on one segment of the popula-
tion or other, bringing with it (although not so intended) mutual distrust
G between man and man, and hostility amongst different religious groups. In
this process the very welfare of the society, which is of prime consideration
becomes the casualty.

27_. It has to be remembered that if the Constitution is so interpreted
H as to permit, by an amendment a seat to be reserved in the legislature for
R.C. POUDYAL" U.0.1. [SHARMA. CJ.] 933

a group of religious institutions like the B.uddhist Monasteries, it will follow A
that such a reservation would be permissible for institutions belonging to
other religions also. There will not be any justifiable reason available
against a similar provision for the Christian Missionary institutions in the
country on the ground of their services, to the cause of upliftment of
Adivasis, their contribution in the field of education, and their efforts for
B
medical assistance to the underprivileged; or, for the innumerable other
religious institutions of Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs and other religions provid-
ing invaluable relief to the helpless. And all this may ultimately change the
very complexion of the legislatures. The effect that only one seat has been
reserved today for the Monasteries in Sikkim is the thin edge of the wedge
which has the potentiality, to tear apart, in the course of time, the very c
foundation, which the democratic republic is built-upon. In this back-
ground the question to ask is whether all this is prohibited as being
abhorrent to the basic feature of the Constitution. I have no hesitation in
answering the issue in the positive. Now let us have a brief survey of the
relevant provisions of the Constitution.
D
28. The Preamble, which is the key to understand the Constitution,
emphasises by the very opening words, the democratic nature of the
Republic guaranteeing equality of status to all which the people of India
had resolved to constitute by adopting, enacting and giving to themselves
the Constitution. The personality of the Constitution is developed in Part E
III dealing with the Fundamental Rights, and the framers of the Constitu-
tion, even after including Article 14 ensuring equality before law, were not
satisfied unless they specifically prohibited religion as a ground for dif-
ferential treatment. The freedom of propagation of religion and the right
to manage religious affairs et cetera were expressly recognised by Articles
F
25 to 28 but when it came to deal with the State, the verdict was clear and
emphatic that it must be free from all religious influence.
-(
29. Mr. Nariman claimed that a prohibition against discrimination on
the ground of religion is not a basic feature of a democratic State. He
placed strong reliance on the constitutions of several countries with special G
en.phasis on the Constitution of Cyprus. The argument is that although
Cyprus is an independent and sovereign rer,ublic with a democratic Con-
stitution, the seats in the legislature are divided between the Greek popula-
tion following the Greek-Orthodox Church and the Muslim Turkish
community. There is a division even at the highest level, the President H
934 SUPREME COURT REPORTS IJ 993 J 1 S.C.R.
A always to be a Greek Christian and the Vice-President a Muslim Turk. Mr.
Nariman emphasic.ed on the separate electorate provided by Cyprus Con-
stitution and urged that these provisions do not render the Constitution
undemocratic or illegal. He also referred to the Statesman's Year Book
(containing statistical and historical annual of the States of the world for
the year 1985-86) showing that the population of the Christian community
B following Greek-Orthodox Church was in 1983, 5,28,700 but was allotted
only 70% of the s,cats in the legislature, and the Turkish Muslims with a
population of only 1,22,900, the remaining 30% of seats. In other words the
Muslims forming only about 20% of the total population, were allotted 30%
of the seats. The fallacy in the argument of the learned counsel is the
c erroneous assumption that fundamental features of all constitutions are
same or similar. The basic philosophy of a constitution is related lo various
clements including culture and tradition, social and political conditions,
and the historical background. If the partition of India had not taken place
in 1947 and the people belonging to all the religious communities had
D decided to agree on some arrangement like the people of Cyprus, hy
adopting a constitution providing for sharing of power on religious basis.
the Constitution of Cyprus could have been relevant. There was a sustained
effort on the part of the Indian National Congress and of several other
political and social groups, by and large representing the people who
remained in divided India and proceeded to frame the present Constitu-
E tion, to avoid the partition of the country on the basis of religion, hut they
could not succeed. Unfortunately the struggle for maintaining the unity of
the country was defeated by religion used as a weapon. The country was
visited by a grave national tragedy resulting in loss of human life on a very
big magnitude. Religious fundamentalism triumphed, hegetting and en-
couraging more such fundamentalism. In the shadow of death and destruc-
F
tion on an unprecedented scale the making of the Constitution was taken
up. The Constitution of Cyprus or any other constitution framed in cir-
cumstances different from those ol.itaining in this cour1try, thcrforl.! 1cannot
he relevant for understanding the basic philosophy and <:thos of our
Constitution. Although it is not strictly relevant for the decision in the
G present case, it may be noted that this patchw1irk Constitution of Cyprus
of which the parties represented by Mr. Nariman seem to be so enamoured
of, has completely failed to keep the country together.

The learned counsel also referred to the pro\~sion~ contained in
H Articles 239A, 240 and 371A \vith respect to the Union T erritorics and
R.C. POUDYAL 1·. U.0.1. [SHARMA, O.J 935

State of Nagaland; and Article 331 permitting the President to nominate A
one or two members of Anglo Indian Community to the House of People
if he is of the opinion that the Community is not adequately represented
in the House. I do not see how these Articles can be of any help to the
respondents in the present case. None of these provisions are linked with
any particular religion at all. There should not be any misapprehension that
an 'Anglo Indian' has to be a Christian [see the definition of the expression
B
in Article 366 (2) J.

~ 30. Religion not only became the cause of partition of the country, it
led to wide-spread bloodshed which continued even later and in which
people belonging to the different communities died in very large numbers. C
The people of India are convinced that this tragedy was the direct result
of the policy of the British rulers to divide the people on the basis of the
religion and give them differential political treatment. During their earlier
resistance lo the establishment of the British rule, the Hindus and the
Muslims were working together, and the combination was proving to be
dangerous to the foreigners, and in 1857 the Empire had to face a serious D
threat. That in this background the principles of divide and rule was
adopted and an atmosphere of destrust and hatred between the main
communities of the country on the basis of religion was created, arc
undisputed facts of history. The people, who made exemplary sacrifices,
unfortunately failed in their fight for independence of the undivided nation E
and were left with no alternative but to be reconciled with partition of the
country. These were the people who proceeded to frame the present
Constitution, and despite the >Cl back they had suffered, they reilctrated
their firm belief in a democratic republic where religion has no role to play.
All this is what has been described as 'Enacting History,' by jurists and is
available as aid to the interpretation of the Constitution.
F

31. If we proceed to consider the entire Constitution harmoniously
along with all the other materials, relevant in law for this purpose including
the 'Enacting History', there is no escape from the conclusion that any
weightage at the poll in favour of a group on the ground of religion is G
strictly prohibited and further, that this is a basic feature, which is not
amenable to amendment. The provisions of section 7 (IA)(c) and the other
connected amendments must, therefore, be held to be ultra vires.

32. There is also another serious flaw in the reservation for the H
936 SUPREME COURT REPORTS [1993] 1 S.C.R.

A Sangha rendering the same to be unconstitutional. By the impugned
provisions of the 1950 Act, a special electorate has been created for this
seat which is highly abhorrent to the fundamental tenets of the Constitu-
tion. Much thought was bestowed in the Constituent Assembly on the
question whether separate electorate could be permitted under the Con-
stitution. An Advisory Committee was constituted on January 24, 1947 for
8 determining the fundamental rights of citizens, minorities, et cetera. The
Advisory Committee was empowered to appoint sub-committees [sec B.
Shiva Rao's Framing of Indian Constitution, Vol. II, pp. 56-57] and accord-
ingly a Sub-Committee on Minorities was appointed un February 27, 1947,
to consider and report, i11ter alia, on the issue whether there should be joint
c or separate electorates. The Sub-Committee by a majority of 28 to 3
decided that there should be no separate electorates for election to the
legislatures. [Shiva Rao's Vol. II, p 392] The Report of the Sub-Committee
was accepted by the Advisory Committee and the following observations
were made:-

D "The first question we tackled was that of separate elec-
torates; we considered this as being of crucial importance
both to the minorities themselves and to the political life
of the country as a whole. By an overwhelming majority,
wc came to the conclusion that the system of separate
E electorates must be abolished in the new Constitution. In
our judgment, this system has in the past sharpe11ed com-
nm11a/ differe11ces to a da11gero11s extellt a11d has proved 011e
of the mai1t stumbling blocks to the development of a healthy
national life. It seems specially necessary to avoid these
dangers in the new political conditions that have developed .
F in the country and from this point of view the arg11me1tts
against separate electorates seem to us absolutely decisive.
We recommend accordingly that all elections to the Central
and Provincial Legislatures should be held on the basis of
joint electorates. 1'
G
(emphasis added)

[Shiva Rao's Vol. II, p. 412] ~

I think that the Advisory Committee was right in suggesting that the
H decision against separate electorates was absolutely decisive for all times
R.C. POUDYAL v. U.0.1. [SHARMA, CJ.] 937

to come. Sardar Patel, after referring to the suffering and the heavy penalty A
the nation had to pay on this count, expressed his satisfaction "that there
has been unanimity on the point that there should be no more separate
electorates and we should have joint electorates hereafter. So this is a great
gain". Replying to the Debate Sardar Patel expressed his views in the
following words :-
B
"! had not the occasion to hear the speeches which were
made in the initial stages when this question of communal
electorates was introduced in the congress; but there are
many eminent Muslims who have recorded their views
that the greatest evil in this country which has been brought c
- to pass is the communal electorate. 17te introduction of
the system of communal electorates is a poison which has
entered into the body politic of our country. Many Eng-
lishmen who were responsible for this also admitted that.
But today, after agreeing to the separation of the country D
as a result of this communal electorate, I never thought
that that proposition was going to be moved seriously, and
even if it was moved seriously, that it would be taken
seriously."

(emphasis added) E

(Constituent Assembly Debates; Vol. V, p. 225)

- I, however~ find that the impugned amendment was made without bestow-
ing serious thought and the respondents are supporting t'..e same so F
determinedly that it has become necessary for this Court to consider the
proposition 'seriously'. Pandit Govind Ballabh Pant, opposing an amend-
ment moved by B. Packer Sahib Bahadur of the Muslim League providing
for separate electorate for Muslims, expressed his indignation thus :-

".... We all have had enough of this experience, and it is G
somewhat tragic to find that all that experience should be
lost and still people should hug the exploded shibboleths
and slogans."

(emphasis added) H
938 SUPREME COURT REPORTS [1993] 1 S.C.R.

A [Constituent Assembly Debates; Vol. V, p.224]

Shri VJ. Muniswami Pillai, on this occasion reiterated these sentiments and Y
said with a sigh of relief :-

"... Sir, which I would like to tell this House is that we got
B rid of the harmful mode of election by separate electorates.'
It has been buried seren fathom deep, never more to rise in
our coull/ry. The conditions that were obtaining in the
various provinces were the real cause for introducing the
system of separate electorates. The Poona Pact gave us
c both the separate and joint electorates but now we have
ad,ised accoding to this report that has been presented
here that the Depressed Classes are doing to enjoy joint
electorates. It is hoped, Sir, that, in the great Union that
-
we are all cmisaging that this Country will become in the
years to come, -joint electorates will give equal opportunity
D for the Caste Hindus and the Minority communities to
come together and work together and produce a better
India.''

[Constituent Assembly Debates; Vol. V, p.202J
E
Unfortunately, the firm bdicf of Mr. Pillai was not shared when the
reservation in question was introduced by amendment three decades later
in 1980.

It will be helpful, for appreciating the reference by Sardar Patel to -
F the opinions of even Englishmen in his reply and to the Poona Pact by Shri
Pillai, to recall briefly the developments during the British Rule relevant
to this aspect. 'r
33. In order to break the united front of the Indians against foreign
domination, one of the most effective steps taken on behalf of the regime
G was to introduce separate de ct orates with weight age for the Muslims. The
occassion was provided by the demand of the separate electorate for the
Muslims by a deputation headed by Aga Khan presented to the then
Viceroy, Lord Minto, in 1906. Lord Minto not only supported him but
added that in \iew of the service that the Muslims had rendered to the
H Empire, their position deserved to "be estimated not merely on "their"
R.C. l'OUDYAL ». U.0.1. !SHARMA, CJ.) 939

numerical >trength but in respect of: the political importance of "the'' A
community and the service that it had rendered to the Empire". The
demand ;.,as accepted in 1909 by Minto Morley Reforms. The matter was
again considered in 1919 by the Montague-ChenLsford Committee. Their
report disapproved the idea of separate electorates by stating that such
clcctorntcs "were opposed to the teaching of history: that they perpetuated
class divi~ion : that they stereotyped existing relations; and that they
B
constituted a very serious hindrance to the development of the self-govern-
ing principle". Sardar Patel was, in his reply, presumably referring to these
expressions and similar other opinions.' u_,.fortunately, however, the prin-
ciple of communal electorates was adopted for the Muhammadans in the
country and in Punjab for Sikhs. c
'4. Having, thus succeeded in introducing this highly undersirable
system of separate electorates on the basis of religion, the British rulers
proceeded to extend the same with a view to divide the people further by
proposing separate electorates for the 'Depressed Classes" in 1932 under D
the Coinmunal Award of Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald. By that time
the leadership of the country was in the hands of Mahatma Gandhi, who
fully realised the dangerous fall-out of the proposed measure. Rejecting
the suggestion of the British Prime Ministor to accept the same even for a
temporary period, he staked his life for fighting out the menace by deciding
to go on fast unto death. The rulers conceded and backed out, and the E
matter was sorted out by the famou• Yarvada Pact. Separate electorate for
the Muslims, however, could not be undone, and was given effect to in the
Government of India Act, 1935, ultim•tcly leading lo the partition of the
Country.
F
35. In this back1tround
"
the Debate in the Constituent Asscmblv. took
place, and the recommendations of the Advisory Committee in favour of
joint electorate both at the Central and the State levels were accepted. It
is significant to note here that in the original draft Constitution there was
no express provision declaring that the elections to the Parliament and lo
the Stale legislatures would be on the basis o[ joint electorates and the G
matter had been left to be dealt with by auxiliary legislation under Articles
290 and 291 of the draft Constitution [Shiva Rao, Framing of India's
Constitution, Vol. IV, p. 141J. On a deep deliberation on the issue it was
realised that any provision for separate electorates would be a deadly virus
for the health of the nation. The Constituent Assembly considered it right H
940 SUPREME COURT REPORTS [19931 1 S.C.R.

A to reject the idea once for all and not leave the. matter to be dealt with
later. Accordingly Article 325 adopted in the following terms:-
·-r
"325. No person to be ineligible for inclusion in, or to claim
to be included in a special, electoral roll on grounds of
religion, race, caste or sex - There shall be one general
B electoral roll for every territorial constituency for election
to either House of Parliament or to the House of either
House of the Legislature of a State and no person shall be
ineligible for inclusion in any such roll or claim to be
included in any special electoral roll for any such con-
c stituency on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex or any
or them."

36. During the hearing it was also contended that if the Constitution
permits nominations to be made in the legislatures how can the creation
of a separate electorates for the Sangha seat be objected to. I do not find ""f
D
any parallel between the two. After the establishment of a democratic
government at every level in the country in one from or the other, nomina-
tion under the Constitution amounts to exercise of a power to induct a
member in the legislature by an authority, who ultimately represents the
people, although the process of the representation may be a little involved.
E So far a handful of the Buddhist Monasteries in Sikkim are concerned, they )"
cannot be said to represent the people of Sikkim in any sense of the term.
Allotting a seat in the legislature to represent these religious institutions is
bad enough by itself; and then, to compound it by vesting the exclusive right
i~ them to elect their representative to occupy the reserved seat is to ·
F aggravate the evil. I do not think this can be compared with any of the
provisions in the Constitution relating to nominations.
}-
From the entire scheme of the Constitution, it is clear that its basic
philosophy eloquently rejects the concept of separate electorate in India.
This conclusion is reinforced by the historical background referred to
G above, the delebrations of the Advisory Committee, and the discussion
which took place in the Constituent Assembly before giving final shape to
the Constitution. I do not discover any reason for assuming that while .Ji.
inserting Article 371F(t) in the Constitution there was complete reversal of
faith on this basic and vital matter, which was otherwise also not permis-
H sible. It follows that consistent with the intention of the rest of the Con-
R.C. POUDYAL v. U.0.1. [SHARMA, Cl.] 941
---
stitution the provision regarding the delimitation of the Assembly con- A
°').--
stituencies in Article 371F(f) has to be interpreted in the same sense, as
the expression has been used in the other provisions. Clause (f) of Article
371F neither by its plain language nor intendment permits separate elec-
torates and any attempt to give a different construction would n5JI only be
highly artificial and speculative but also would be violative of a basic
B
feature of the Constitution. I, accordingly, hold that the provisions of
section 25A of the Representation of the People Act, 1950 are also ultra
vires the Constitution and this furnishes another ground to strike down
-{ section 7 (lA) (c).

37. So far the reservation of 12 seats in favour of the Bhutia- Lepchas c
• is concerned, the ground relied upon by the respondents for upholding the
same is the historical background coupled with the 5th term under the head
BASIC RIGHTS in the Tripartite agreement of the 8th May, 1973, which
reads as follows:-
~
"(5) The system of elections shall be so organised as to D
make the Assembly adequately representative of the
various sections of the population. The size and composi-
tion of the Assembly and of the Executive Council shall be
such as may be prescribed from time to time, care being
taken to ensure that no single sectio11 of the population E
--( acquires a dominating position due mainly to its ethnic
origin, and the rights and interests of the Sikkimese Bhutia
Lepcha origin and of the Sikkimese Nepali, which includes
Tsong and Scheduled Caste origin, are fully protected."

It is further said that in view of this Tripartite Agreement the Proclamation F
dated 5.2.1974 was made reserving 16 constituencies out of the total
-< number of 32 in favour of Bhutia-Lepchas, and when the Government of
Sikkim Act, 1974 was passed, which came into force on 4.7.1974, the
follO\ving provision was included in section 7:-

"7. (I) For the purpose of elections to the Sikkim Assembly,
G
Sikkim shall be divided into constituencies in such manner
,,._ as may be determined by law.

(2) The Government of Sikkim may make rules for the
purpose of providing that the Assembly adequately repre- H
942 SUPREME COURT REPORTS (1993) 1 S.C.R.

A sents the various sections of the population, that is to say,
while fully protecting the legitimate rights and interests of
Sikkimese of Lepcha or Bhutia origin and of Sikkimese of
Nepali origin and other Sikkimese, including Tsongs and
Scheduled Castes no single section of the population is
allowed to acquire a dominating position in the affairs of
B
Sikkim mainly by reason of its ethnic origin.'

In these circumstances the Thirty-Fifty Amendment of the Constitution of
India was made which became effective from 23.2.1975 and Sikkim was thus )"
Associated with the Union of India. The Thirty-Sixth Amendment of the
C Constitution inserting the new Article 371F was thereafter made with
clause (!) which reads as follows:-

"(!)Parliament may, for the purpose of protecting the rights
and interests of the different sections of the population of
Sikkim make provision for the number of seats in the
D Legislative Assembly of the State of Sikkim which may be
filled by candidates belonging to such sections and for the
delimitation of the assembly constituencies from which
candidates belonging to such sections alone may stand for
election to the Legislative Assembly of the State of Sikkim".

E and clause (k) in the following terms:-

"(k) all laws in force immediately before the appointed day
in the territories comprised in the State of Sikkim or any
part thereof shall continue to be in force therein until
amended or repealed by a competent Legislature or other
F
competent authority".

The argument is that the impugned provisions of the Representation of the
People Acts are thus fully protected by the Thirty-Sixth Constitutional
Amendment.
G
38. I have not been able to pursuade myself to accept the contention
made on behalf of the respondents for several reasons. Before proceeding
further it will be useful to have a survey of the relevant circumstances and A.
the documents relevant to this aspect at a glance.

H 39. Chogyal was an autocratic ruler anxious to relain his absolute
R.C. POUDYAL <'. U.0.1. [SHARMA, Cl.] 943

power, while the people were becoming more aware of their rights in the A
~-
·1 changing world. By the middle of this ccr'ury, encouraged by the develop-
ments in India which was not only neighboring country but on which Sikkim
was solely dependent for its vital needs including defence, they were able
to build up a formidable force demanding establishment of a truly
democratic government. The materials on record fully establish that in this
struggle of power, Chogyal had to heavily rely on Bhutia-Lepchas, who
B
were close to him as he was one from that group. According to the case
-< of the respondents the Bhutia-Lepchas had arrived in Sikkim earlier than
the Nepalis and the Nepalis were inducted in the area mainly on account
of the policy followed by the British paramountcy. The records also show
that protest in vain was made to the British General posted in the area, c
long time back when the Nepalis were arriving on the scene. The Bhutia-
Lepchas, who were following the Buddhist religion, were paying high
respect for the Lamas who were enjoying the patronage of Chogyal.
y- Appreciating their usefulness the Chogyal later earmarked a seat for them
on the basis of a separate electorate in 1958. When public demand for
D
effective participation in the administration grew stronger, the Chogyal
adopted the line of appeasement by establishing a Council where initially
12 members were divided half and half (vide the Proclamation of zSth
D,·cember, 1952) between the Bhutia-Lepchas on the one hand and the
Nepalis on the other. But soon he appreciated that unless he reserved to
~ himself the right to induct some more nominees of his own, his position E
would be jeopardised. He, therefore, hurriedly issued another Proclama-
tion \vithin 3 months, on the 23rd March, 1953, declaring that 6 more
• members would be included in the Council to be nominated by him in his
discretion including the President of the Concil. In Article 26 he expressly
declared that notwithstanding the provisions of the other Articles he would
F
be retaining his power to veto any decision made by the Council and
---< substitute his own decision therefor.
40. The steps taken by the·Chogyal could not control the demand for
democracy and the public agitation gathered more support. Ultim1tely the
people came out '1ctorious, not only in getting rid of the Chogyal, but also G
in their demand for democracy, to be established on the lines as in India.
The Chogyal, of course, in his vain attempt to retain his authority, was
trying to scuttle away the overwhelming public opinion by one method or
the other and \vith that view, was trying to give weightage to Bhutia-
Lepchas, to which group he himself belonged and on whose support he H
944 SUPREME COURT REPORTS [1993] 1 S.C.R.

A could count, and in this situation the Tripartite Agreement of 8th May,
1973 came to be executed. The fact that Chogyal was going to be a party
to it and was desperately trying to have something in the terms, to build
his strategy on, cannot be ignored while assessing the meaning and effect
of paragraph 5 of the. Agreement. The Tripartite Agreement desciibed
itself in the very opening sentence as envisaging a democratic set up for
B Sikkim, and the Chogyal joined the people of Sikkim in declaring that he
was also convinced and was in favour of the establishment of a fully
responsible Government in Sikkim. The other provisions of the Agreement
unmistakably indicate that the intention was to have a democratic govern-
ment in Sikkim exactly similar to the one in India. It (Agreement) provided
C guarantee of Fundamental Rights, the rule of law and independent
judiciary, as also.

"a system o! elections based on adult suffrage which will
give equitable representation to all sections of the people
on the basis of the principle of one man one vote".
D
(emphasis added)

All the three parties expressly recognised and undertook to ensure the
basic human rights and fundamental freedoms of the people and that:-
E
"the people of Sikkim will enjoy the right of election on the
basis of adult suffrage to get effect to the principle of one
man one vote. 11

(emphasis supplied)
F
Equality before law and independence of the judiciary were assured. It
further recited that the Chogyal as well as the representative of the people
had requested the .Government of India to assume responsibility for the
establishment of law and order ancl good administration and "to ensure the
further development of a constitutional Government", as also to provide
G the head of the administration described as Chief Executive to help and
achieve the State's objectives. A firm decision was taken to hold fair and
free elections under the supervision of a representative of the Election .. ~

Commission of India. The Chief Executive was to be nominated by the
Government of India and it was only the passing of the formal order in this
H regard which was left to the Chogyal. Towards the end of the Agreement
R.C. POUDYAL 1·. U.0.1. \SHARMA, 0.j 945

it was emphasised that the Government of India was solely responsible for A
the defence and territorial integrity of Sikkim and for the conduct and
.,
~
regulation of the external relations whether political, economic or financial,
and necessary powers for carrying out these responsibilities were reaf-
firmed. A perusal of the document clearly indicates that the spirit of the
Indian Constitution pervaded through out the entire Agreement and the
B
terms thereof were drafted respecting the main principles embodied in our
Constitution. It must, therefore, be held that an interpretation cannot be
given to the Agreement which will render it as deviating from the constitu-
tional pattern of the Indian Constitution.

41. A question may be raised that since the Agreement included C
paragraph (5) which has been quoted earlier, does that inject in this
Agreement an element incompatible with the Indian Constitution.· in my
opinion the answer is in the negative. The safeguard under the scheme
envisaged in paragraph (5) was capable of being provided by the Indian
Constitution. Many provisions in the different parts of the Constitution D
including Part III are relevant in this regard. Their representation of all
sections has been the concern of the Constitution also; and with that view
provisions have been made for reservation of seats in favour of certain
classes in the Parliament and the state Legislatures and some special rights
have been given to the minority. In my ·view these constitute adequate E
guarantee against unfair dominance by the majority. This of course docs
not lead to the conclusion that power would be concentrated in the hands
of the minority, or that their would be division of the authority in the matter
of carrying on the affairs of the State, on mathematically equal terms,
between the different groups; because the first will result in the abnegation
of democracy itself, and the second will lead to an unworkable situation F
ending in chaos. The principle of adult suffrage with 011e-ma11-011e-vote m/e,
as repeated again and again in the documents referred to above, indicates
the concept of democracy which had to be established in Sikkim. In the
Proclamation of the 5th February, 1974 total number of 32 seats in the
Assembly were divided half and half between the two groups, but it is G
significant to note that as soon as the Assembly was constituted after
election, it immediately modified the provision fixing the parity of seals by
declaring in section 6(2) of the Government of Sikkim Act, 1974 that the
matter would. be determined by law. The intention that no single section
of the population should acquire a "dominating position due mainly to its H
946 SUPRBME COURT REPORTS [1993J l S.C.R.

A ethnic origin" does not mean that the majority held by a particular section
would not be allowed to be reflected in the legislature. The word "dominat-
ing" indicates something more than merely forming a majoirty. What was
intended was to eliminate the chance of a particular section of the popula-
tion misusing its position to the prejudice of the legitimate rights of the
B others. The risk of such an undesirable situation could and should have
been eliminated by adopting such methods as provided in the Indian
Constitution. It cannot be legitimately contended that the safeguard in this
regard under the Indian Constitution is in any way inadequate. If at all, the
minority in this country are in certain matters enjoying special benefits not
C available to the majority-=d this is the reason that repeated attempts have
been and are being made by various groups to claim minority status, as is
evident by reported cases. The necessary consequence of assuming other-
wise would be to hold that under the Constitution applicable to the rest of
the country, the minorities here have no protection agains the "dominance"
of the majority, and our stand about the rule of law 11Dd equality of status
D to all in this country is an empty claim made before the world.

42. The further point is as to whether the provisions of clause (f) of
Article 371F envisage and authorise the Parliament to exercise its power
only in such a manner which. would be consistent with the relevant
E provisions of the Constitution applicable to the rest of the country if the
same is capable of achieving the object with reference to the special
conditions of Sikkim; or, that they allow the Parliament to take any decision
in this regard, including such measures which would perpetuate the situa-
tion obtaining in Sikkim in the past, on the ground of historical background.
For the reasons indicated earlier, 1 am of the view that clause (f) permits
F the Parliament to take only such steps which would be consistent with the
provisions of the Constitution coming from before, so that Sikkim could
completely merge with India and be placed at per with the other States.
This conclusion is irresistible if the facts and circumstances which led to
the ultimate merger of Sikkim in India are kept in mind. They have been
G briefly referred to earlier in paragraph 10 above. After the Proclamation
of the 5th of February, 1974, Sikkim went to polls. The main representative
of the people was Sikkim Congress as was proved by the result of the
election. Sikkim Congress winning 31 out of the total of 32 seats. The
election manifesto on the basis of which the people almost unanimously
H
R.C. POUDYAI. 1·. ll.0.1. ISllARMA. Cl.] 947

voted in favour of Sikkim Congress, imer alia, declared thus :- A
'We also aspire to achieve the same democratic rights and
iflstitutions that the people of India has enjoyed for a
quarter of century.'

(emphasis added) B
Respecting this pledge, solemnly given to the people, the Assembly passed
a unanious resolution dated 10.04.1975 and submitted it to the people for
their approval. A plebiscite was thus held in which about 64% of the
electorate cast their votes. The Resolution was approved by the 62% of the
total electorate and only less than 2% went against the same. The State- c
ment of Objects and Reasons of the Constitution (Thirty-Sixth Amend-
ment) Act, 1975 refers to the unanimous Resolution of the State Assembly,
which after taking note of the persistent anti-people activities of the
Chogyal decided to abolish the institution of the Chogyal and to make
Sikkim a constituent unit of India _in the following terms : D
"The institution of the Chogyal is hereby abolished and
Sikkim shall henceforth be a constituent unit of India,
enjoying a democratic and fully responsible Government."

-....(_. In this background, the Statement of Objects.and Reasons further proceeds E
to declare :-

"5. Accordingly, it is proposed to include Sikkim as a
full-fledged State in the First Schedule lo the Constitution
and to allot to Sikkim one seat in the Council of States and
one seat in the House of the People. It is also proposed to F
·-<. insert a new article containing the provisions· considered
necessary to 111eet the special circu111stances and needs of
Sikkim."

(emphasis added) G
43. The intention was clear that the people of Sikkim, by a near
unanimous verdict, decided to join India as a full-fledged Slate with the
aspiration of participating in the affairs of the country on the same terms
applicable to the rest of India. The decision to insert a new Article was
considered necessary only the limited purpose lv meet the special cir· H
948 SUPREME COURT REPORTS [1993) 1 S.C.R.

A cumstances and needs of Sikkim. The question is whether a provision for
granting a disproportionately higher representation of the Bhutia-Lepchas ...,,
in the State legislature was necessary. If it was not, clause (f) of Article
371F must be construed as not protecting the impugned statutory amend-
ments.

B
44. If we examine the different clauses of Article 371F, we find that
several additional provisions deviating from the original, have been incor-
porated in the Constitution, in view of the special circumstances peculiar
to Sikkim. By Article 170 the minimum size of the Assembly of the States
.is fV<ed at 60 seats which was too large for a small State like Sikkim with
c a total population of only three lacs. This was a special feature which.
distinguished it from the other States. The ratio of the number of the
representatives to the population did not justify a House of 60 and,
therefore, by clause (a) the minimum number was fixed only at 30. For
obvious reasons clauses (c) and (e) bad to be inserted in the Article as the
y
D appointed day with reference to Sikkim could not have been the same as
the appointed day with reference to the other States. Clause (d) also
became relevant for allotting a seat to the State of Sikkim in the House of
the People. So far clause (b) is concerned, the same became necessary for
a temporary period for the smooth transition of Sikkim from merely
"associate' status to a full-fledged State of the Union. In order to avoi<:I a
E bumpy ride during the period that the effect of merger was being constitu-
tionally worked out, there was urgent need of special temporary provisions
to enables the State functionaries to discharge their duties. If the other
clauses are also examined closely it will be manifest that they were neces-
sary in view of the special needs of the Sikkim. The point is whether for
F the protection of the Bhutia-Lepcha Tribe, the safeguards already provided
in the Constitution were inadequate so as to call for or justify special
provisions of reservation, inconsistent with the Constitution of India as it )r--
stood before the Thirty-Sixth Amendment. The problem of Bhutia-Lepcha
Tribe is identical to that of the other Tribes of several States where they
are greatly out-numbered by the general population, and which has been
G effectively dealt with by the provisions for reservation in their favour
included in Part XVI of the Constitution. It cannot be justifiably suggested
that by subjecting the provisions of the reservations to the limitations in ,.._
clause (3) of Article 332, the Tribes in India have been left unprotected at
the mercy of the overwhelming majority of the general population. The
H reservations in Part XVI were considered adequate protection to them and
R.C. PO UDY AL 1·. U.0.1. [SHARMA, CJ.] 949

it had not been proved wrong for about three and a half decades before A
1975, when Sikkim merged with India. It must, therefore, be held that the
adequate safeguard in favour of the Bhutia-Lepchas was already available
under the Constitution and all that was required was to treat them as
Tribes like the other Tribes. As a matter of fact this position was correctly
appreciated in 1978 when the Presidential Order was issued under Article
342 of Part XVI. The interpretation of Article 371.F (t), as suggested on
B
behalf of the respondents, is inconsistent with the issuance of the said
Order. I, therefore, hold that the object of clause (t) was not to take care
of this problem and it did not authorise the Parliament to pass the Amend-
ment (Act 8 of 1980) inserting section 7(1A) (a)-in the Representation of
the People Act, 1950 and section 5A in the Representation of the People c
Act, 1951 and other related amendments. They being violative of the
constitutional provisions including those in Article 371F (t) are 11/tra vires.

45. The next point is as to whether clause (t) of Article 371F will
have to be struck down on the ground of violation of the basic features of D
the Constitution, if it is interpreted as suggested on behalf of the respon-
dents.

46. The Preamble of the Constitution of India emphatically decalres
that \Ve \Vere giving to ourselves the Constitution with a firm resolve to
cun~litute a sovereign, democratic, republic; with equality of status and of E
opportunity lo all its citizens. The issue which has direct bearing on the
question under consideration is as to what is the meaning of 'democratic
rcpuhlic'. The expressions 'dcn1ocracy' and 'democratic' have been used in
varying senses in different countries and in many places have been subM
jected to denote the state of affairs which is in complete negation of the F
meaning in which they are understood. During the present century it
progressively became more fashionable and profitable to frequently use
those terms and accordingly they have been grossly misused. We are not
concerned with that kind of so called democracy, which is used as a
stepping stone for the establishment of a totalitarian regime, or that which
is hypocritically dangled before the people under the name of democracy G
h1;.~ is in reality an oligarchical set up concentrating the po\ver in a fe\v. We
are also not concerned with f he w: dcr theoretical conception in which the
word can be understood. In our Constitution, it refers to denote what it
literally means. that is, 'people's powers.' It stands for the actual, active and
effective exercise of power by the people in this regard. Schumpetcr gives H
950 SUPREME COURT REPORTS IJ993J l S.C.R.

A a simple definition of democracy as "the ability of a people to choose and ·
dismiss a governmentn. Giovanni Sartori translates the same idea in institu-
tional form and says that democracy is a multi-party system in which the
majority governs and respects the right of minority. In the present context
it refer5 to the political participation of the people in running the ad-
ministration of the government. It conveys the state of affairs in which each
B
citizen is assured of right of equal participation in the polity. The expres-
sion has been used in this sense, both in the Indian Constitution and hy the
people of Sikkim as their goal to achieve. The repeated emphasis that was
goven to the nile of 011e-ma11-011e-vote in the various documents preceding
Sikkim's merger with India, clearly defines the system of government which
c the people of Sikkirr. by an overwhelming majority decided to establish and
which was exactly the same as under the Indian Constitution. This goal
cannot be achieved by merely allotting each person one vote which they
can cast in favour of a particular candidate or a special group of persons,
selected for this purpose by others, in which they have no say. The result
D in such a case would be that while one man of this clas; is assigned the
strengh of one full vote, others have to be content with only a fraction. If
there is 90% reservation in the seats of a House in favour of 10% of the
population in the State, and only the remaining 10% of the scats arc left
to the majority population, then the principle of adult suffrage as included
in Article 326 is sacrificed. By permitting the 90% of the population to vote
E not only for 10% seats available to them, but also for the 90% reserved
scats the basic flaw going to the root of the matter is not cured. The choice
of the candidate and the right to stand as a candidate at the election arc
inherent in the principle of adult suffrage, that is, one-man-one-vote. By
telling the people that they have a choice to elect any of a select group
F cannot be treated as a freee choice of the candidate. This will only amount
to lip service, to thinly veiled to conceal the reality of an oligarchy under-
neath. It will be just an apology for democracy; a subterfuge; and if it is
permitted to cross the li111it so as to violate the very core of the principle
of 011e-ma11-011e-vote, and is not controlled by the constitutional safeguards
as included in clause (3) of Article 332 (sec paragraph 12 above) of the
G Constitution it will amount to a huge fraud perpetrated against the people.
So far the Sangha scat is ccnecrned even this transparent cloak has been
shed off. It has to be appreciated that the ,·cry purpose of prO\iding
reservation in favour of a weaker class is to aid the elemental principle of
democracy based on one-man-one-vote to succeed. The disproportionately
H ,
r R.C. POUDYAL '" U.0.1. jSHARMA, CJ.]

excessive reservation creates a privileged class, nol brought to the same A
plane with others but put on a higher pedestal, causing unhealthy competi-
tion, creating hatred and distrust between classes and fostering devisive
forces. This amounts to abnegation of the values cherished by the people
of India (including Sikkim), as told by their story of struggle and sufferings
culminating into the framing of the Indian Constitution (and the merger of
Sikkim as one of the State in 1975). This is not permissible even by an B
amendment of the Constitution.

47. In a search for constitutions similar to ours, one may look towards
Canada and Australia and not to Cyprus. But the Canadian and Australian
Constitutions also differ from our Constitution in many respects, including C
some of the fundamental principles and the basic features. The unalterable
fundamental commitments incorporated in a written constitution are like
the soul of a, person not amenable to a substitution by transplant or
otherwise. And for identifying what they are with reference to a particular
constitution, it is necessary to consider, besides other factors, the historical D
background in which the constitution has. been framed, the firm basic
commitments of the people articulated in the course of and by the contents
of their struggle and sacrifice preceding it (if any), the thought process
and traditional beliefs as also the social ills intended to be taken care of.
These differ from country to country. The fundamental philosophy, there-
fore, varies from Constitution to Constitution. A Constitution has its own E
personality and as in the case of a human being, its basic features cannot
be defined in the terms of another Constitution. The expressions
'democracy' and 'republic' have conveyed not exactly the same ideas
through out the world, and little help can be obtained by referring to
another Constitution for determining the meaning and scope of the said F
expressions with reference to our Constitution. When we undertake the
task of self-appraisal, we cannot afford to forget our motto of the entire
world being one big family (Vasudhaiva Kutumbkam) and consequent
commitment to the cause of unity which made the people suffer death,
destruction and devastation on an unprecedented scale for replacing the
foreign rule by a democratic government on the basis of equal status for G
all. The fact that they lost in their effort for a untiled independent country
is not relevant in the present context, because that did not shake their faith
in democracy where every person is to be !rated equal, and with this firm
resolve, they proceeded to make the Constitution. An examination of the
provisions of the Constitution does not leave room from any doubt that this H
952 SUPREME COURT REPORTS [1993] 1 S.C.R.

A idea has been kept as the guiding factor while framing the Constitution.
'Democracy' and 'republic' have to be understood accordingly. Let us now
examine the Constitution in this light.

48. As explained by the Preamble the quality of democracy envisaged
B by the Constitution does not only secure the equality of opportunity but of
status as well, to all the citizens. This equality principle is clearly brought
out in several Articles in the different parts of the Constitution, including
Part III dealing with Fundamental Rights, Part IV laying down the Direc-
tive Principles of State policy and Part XVI having special provisions
relating to certain classes. The spirit pervades through the entire document
c as can be seen by the other provisions too. When the question of the
qualification for election as President arises, all classes of citizens get same
treatment by Articles 58 and 59 (subject to certain qualifications which are
uniformly applied) and similar is the position with respect to the Vice-
President and the other constitutional functionaries. The protection in Part
D III is available to all, and the State has to strive to promote the welfare of
the people and the right to adequate means of livelihood, to justice and
free legal aid, and to work et cetera with respect to everybody. Certain
special benefits are, however, extended or may be extended to certain
weaker classes, but this again is for the sake of placing them on equal
footing with the others, and not for defeating the cause of equality. So far
E the question of equality of opportunity in matter of employment is con-
cerned, provisions for reservation of posts are included in favour of back-
ward classes who may be inadequately represented in the services. Welfare
measures also are permitted on the san1e line, but, when it comes to the
reservation of seats in the Parliament or the State Legislature, it is given a
F different treatment in Part XVI. Clause (2) of Article 330 and clause (3)
of Article 332 lay down the rule for maintaining the ratio, which the
population of the class bears to the total population. This is significant. The
sole objective of providing for reservations in the Constitution is to put the
principle of equal status lo work. So far the case of inadequate repre-
sentation of a backward class in State services is concerned, the problem
G is not susccptibly to be solved in one stroke: and consequently the relevant
provisions are kept flexible permitting wider discretion so as lo attain the
goal of adequate proportionate representation. The situation in respect to
representation in the legislature is entirely different. As soon as an election
takes place in accordance svith the provisions for pre :1~rtionate repre-
H sentation, the objective is achieved immediately, b,·-a ,,. there is no prob-
'y.
R.C. POlJDYAL i: U.0.1. [SHARMA, Cl.J 953

' lem of backlog to be tackled. On the earlier legislature disappearing, A
paving the way for new election, the people gei a clean slate before them.
')'.'
The excessive reservation in this situation will bring in an imbalance--0f
course of another kind-but defeating the cause of equal status all the same.
The pendulam does not stand straight - it swings to the other side. The
casualty in both cases is the equality clause. Both situations defeat the very
object for which the democratic forces waged the war of independence;
B
and they undo what has been achieved by the Constitution. This is clearly
violative of the basic features of the Constitution. I hold that if clause (f)
~ of Article 371F is so construed as to authorise the Parliament to enact the
impugned provisions it will be violative of the basic features of the Con-
stitution and, therefore, void. c
49. The views expressed above are adequate for the disposal of the
present cases, but it may be expedient to examine the matter from one
more angle before concluding the judgment. It was very strongly contended
~ by the learned advocates for the respondents that the impugned provisions D
should be upheld and the writ petitions dismissed by reason of the histori-
cal background of Sikkim. It was repeatedly emphasised that in 'iew of the
5th term of the Tripartite Agreement and in view of the fact that the
Sangha seat was created by Chogyal as far back as in 1958, the arrange-
ments agreed upon by the parties are not liable to be disturbed. Reference
was made to the several Proclamations of Chogyal by the counsel for the E
~
different respondents and intervenors one after the other. In my view the

-- impact of the historical background on the interpretation of the situation
is to the contrary. During the period, referred to, the fight between the
despotic Chogyal trying to retain his authority and the people demanding
installation of a democratic rule was going on. No importance can, there- F
fore, be attached to the terms included in the Agreement at the instance
-<_ of the ruler or to his Proclamations. On the other hand, what is relevant
lo be considered is the demand of the people which ultimately succeeded .
If we proceed lo interpret the situation by respecting and giving effect to
the acts and omissions of Chogyal in his desperate attempt to cling tc
'· power and subvert to the democratic process set in motion by the people, G
we may have to re-write the history and deprive the people of Sikkim of
,J.~ what they were able to wrest from his clutches from time to time ultimately
ending with the merger. The reservation of the Sangha seat was also one
of such anti-people acts. So far the Note to the Proclamation of 16 May,
1968 is concerned if it has to be enforced, the Nepalis shall also be entitled H
"<:'

954 SUPREME COURT REPORTS (1993) 1 S.C.R. )!

A to reservation of equal number of seats as the Bhutia-Lcpchas and same i
number of seats should be earmarked for nomination by the authority in
power. Actually Mr. Bhatt appearing for some of the respondents seriously y' •
pressed before us the claim of Nepalis for reservation in their favour. This '
entire line of thought is wholly misconceived. We can not ignore the fact
that as soon as the Assembly vested with effective authority was constituted <
B it proceeded to undo what is being relied upon before us on behalf of the lli
respondents. When they passed the historic resolution dated April 10, 1975,
discussed earlier in detail, the 5th terms of the Agreement was given up,
and when the people were invited to express. their opinion by holding a )-
plebiscite, they gave their verdict, unburdened by any such condition, by a
c near unanimous voice. I presume that this was so because it was known
that the in-built safeguards of the Indian Constitution were adequate for
taking care of; this aspect. This is a complete answer to such an argument.
--=
The history, so far it may be relevant, condemn• in no uncertain terms the 7J
excessive reservation in favour of the Bhutia-Lepchas and the Sangha. The t
Thirty-Sixth Amendment in the Constitution has to be understood in this 1'
D
light.

50. My conclusion, therefore, is that the impugned provisions arc
ultra vires the Constitution including Article 371F (f}. Consequently the
present Sikkim Assembly constituted on the basis of the election, held
E under the impugned provisions has to be declared illegally constituted.
)--
Therefore, the concerned authorities must take fresh and immediate steps
under the law consistent with the Constitution as applied to the rest of the

F
country. The writ petitions are accordingly allowed with costs payable to
the writ petitioners. -
.::.~:
51. Before fmally closing, I would like to say a few words in the light J.'o
f---
")---
of the opinion of my learned Brothers as expressed in the majority judg-
ment disagreeing with my conclusions. In view of this judgment all the
petitions have now to be dismissed, but I want to emphasize that what has
G been held therein is that the Parliament has not exceeded its Constituent /

and Legislative Powers in enacting the impugned provisions and conse- 1"
quently the writ petitions have to be dismissed. This does not mean that
~
the Parliament is ·bound to give. effect to the discriminatory provisions by
reason of the historical background in which Sikkim joined India. It is
H within the 'wisdom' (to borrow the expression from paragraph 30 of the
R.C. l'OUDYAL v. ;U.0.1. [SHARMA, CJ.] 955

majority judgment) of the Parliament to take a decision on the issue and A
~ as hinted in the same paragraph, the present situtation hopefully may be a
· transitory passing phase. The provisions in clause (f) of Article 371F have
heen, in paragraph 31 of the judgment, described as 'enabling', that is, not
obligatory. It, therefore, follows that although this Court has not jurisdic-
tion to strike down the impugned provisions, it is perfectly within the B
domain of the Parliament to undo, what I prefer to call, 'the wrong'. The
unequal apportionment of the role in the polity of the country assigned to
-<( different groups tends to foster unhealthy rivalry impairing the mutual
feeling of goodwill and fellowship amongst the people, and encouraging
divisive forces. The reservation of a seat for -the Sanghas and creation of a
separate electorate have a still greater pernicious portent. Religion, as it
c
has come to be understood, does not mix well \vith governance; the
resultant explosive compound of such an illsuited combination has proved
to he lethal for the unity of the nation only a few decades ago leading to
'("·the partition. The framing of our Constitution was taken up immediately
· thereafter. Our country has suffered for a thousand years on account of D
Lhis dangerous phenomenon resulting in large scale internecine struggles
and frequent blood spilling. Today a single seat in the legislature of one
State is not conspicuously noticeable and may not by itself be capable of
causing irreparable damage, but this seed of discord has the potentiality of
developing into a deadly monster. It is true that some special rights have E
been envisaged in the Constitution for handicapped classes but this has
been done only to off-set the disadvantage the classes suffer from, a~d not
for bringing another kind of imbalance by making virtue out of minority
status. The Constitution, thcrdorc, has taken precaution to place rigid
limitations on the extent to which this weightage can be granted, by F
including express provisions instead of leaving the matter to be dealt with
by subsequent enactments - limitations both by putting a ceiling on the

- reservation of seats in the lcgislalurcs and excluding r\.:!ligion as the basis
of discrimination. To ignore these lin1ilations is to encourage small groups
'1n<l classes - \vhich are in good nun1hcr in our country 0n one basis or the
other - to stick to an<l rely on their special status as n1e1nhers of separate G
groups and classes and not to join th.c mainstream of the nation and be
).__ identified as Indians. It is, therefore, absolutely essential that religion,
disguised by any mask and concealed \vithin any cloak must be kept out of
j the field exclusively reserved for the exercise of the State powers. To my
H
956 SUPREME COURT REPORTS [1993] 1 S.C.R.

A mind the message has been always clear and loud and now it remains for
the nation to pay heed to and act through its elected reprcsentafr;es.

VENKATACHALIAH, J. These petitions under Article 226 of the
Constitution of India --- which where originally filed in the High Court of
Sikkim and now withdrawn by and transferred to this Court under Article
B
139-A ---raise certain interesting and significant issues of the constitutional
limitations on the power of Parliament as to the nature of the· terms and
conditions that it could impose under Article 2 of the Constitution for the
admission of the new States into the Union of India. These issues arise in 'r
the context of the admission of Sikkim into the Indian Union under the
c Constitution (36th Amendment) Act, 1975 as the 22nd State in the First
Schedule of the Constitution of India.

2. Earlier, in pursu_ance of the resolution of the Sikkim Assembly
-
passed by virtue of its powers under the Government of Sikkim Act, 1974,
D expressing its desire to be associated with the political and economic ")'
institutions of India and for the representation of the people of Sikkim in
India's Parliamentary system, the Constitution [35th Amendment] Act,
1974 had come to be passed inserting Article 2A which gave the State of
Sikkim the status of an 'Associate State'; but later Sikkim became, as
aforesaid, an integral part of the Indian Union as a full-fledged State in
E the Union by virtue of the Constitution (36th Amendment) Act, 1975, ~-
which, however, provided for special provisions in Article 371-F to accom-
modatc certain historical incident_s of the evolution of the political institu-
lions of Sikkim. It is the contitutionality of the incidents of this special
status, particularly in the matter of reservation of seats for various ethnic
-
F and relgious gourps in the Legislative Assembly of the State that have been
assailed as "unconstitutional" in these petitions.
>--
3. Sikkim is a mountain-State in the North-East of India of an area
~

of about 7200 sq. km. on the Eastern Himlayas. It has a population of about ·
four lakhs. Sikkim is of strategic location bounded, as it is, on the West by
G Nepal, on the North by Tibet, on the East by Bhutan and on the Southern
and Western sides by the State of West Bengal in the Indian Union. It lies
astride the shortest route from India to Tibet. The State is entirely moun- ~
tainous. Covered with dense forests, it lies in the Northern-most Areas in
Lachen and Lachung. Mountains rise to 7000 m and above Kanchenjunga
H (8,579 m) being World's Third Highest Peak. Sikkim has several hundred
\
R.C. POUDYAL v. U.0.l. [VENKATACHALIAH, J.] 957

varieties of orchids and is frequently referred to as 'botanist's paradise'. A
("India 1991" page 930).
y
4. To the historian, Sikkim's history, lore, culture and traditions are
a fascinating study. The early history of this mountainous land is lost in the
mists of time. But it is said that in 1642, Phuntsog Namgyal became the
B
first Chogyal, the spiritual and temporal Ruler in the Namgyal dynasty
which ruled Sikkim till it joined the mainstream of Indian polity in 1975.

-< later immigrants
The main inhabitants of Sikkim are. the Lepchas, the Bhutias and the
from Nepal. The Lepchas were the original indigenous
inhabitants. The Bhutias are said to have come frotn Kham in Tibet during c
- the 15th and 16th centuries. These people of Tibetan origin are called
Bhutias -- said to be a derivative from the word "Bod" or "Tibet" -- and as the
tradition has it took refuge in the country after the schism in Tibet in 15th and
16th centuries. One of their Chieftains was crowned the 'Chogyal' of Sikkim
-r in 1642. It would appear that Sikkim was originally quite an extensive country
but is stated to have lost large chunks of its territories to Nepal and Bhutan
D
and finally to the British. Lepchas and Bhutias are Buddhists by religion.

Sikkim was a British protectorate till 1947 when the British
paramountancy lapsed whereafter under a Treaty of the 3rd December,
E
1950 with India, Sikkim continued as a protectorate of India. Over the past
~ century, there was large migration into Sikkim of people of Nepalese origin.
The influx was such that in the course of time, Sikkimese of Nepalese origin

- constituted almost 2/3rd of Sikkim's population. There has been, accord-
ingly, a clamour for protection of the original Bhutias-Lepchas now an
F
ethnic majority from the political voice and expression being sub-merged
by the later immigrants from Nepal.
-<.
5. These ethnic and demographic diversities of the Sikkimese people;
apprehensions of ethnic dimensions owing to the segmental pluralism of
the Sikkimese society and the imbalances of opportunities for political G
expression are the basis of -- and the claimed justification for -- the
insertion of Article 371-F. The phenomenon of deep fragmentation, socic-
,...._
tal cleavages of pluralist societies and recognition of these realities in the
evolution of pragmatic adjustments consistent with basic principles of
democracy are the recurrent issues in political organisation. H
958 SUPREME COURT REPORTS [1993J 1 S.C.R.

A In his "Democracy in Plural Societies", Arend Lijphart makes some
significant observations at Page 16. :

"A great many of the developing countrics--particularly
those in Asia and Africa, but also some South American
countries, such as puyana, Surinam, and Trinidad--are
B
beset by political problems arising from the deep divisions
between segments cif their populations and the absence of
a unifying consensus. The theoretical literature on political
development, nation-building, and democratization in the
new states t reals this fact in a curiously ambivalent fashion.
c On the one hand, many writers implicitly refuse lo acknow-
ledge its importance.

"Such communal attachments are what Cliffor Geertz calls
"primordial'' loyalties, which may be based on language,
D religion, custom, region, race, or assumed hlood ties. The
subcultures of the European consociational democracies,
which are religious and ideological in nature and on which,
~n two of the countries, linguistic divisions are superim-
posed, may also be regarded as primordial groups-if one
is willing to view ideology as a kind of religion."
E
"At the same time, it is imperative to be alert to qualitative
and quantitative differences within the broad category of

F
plural societies: diffcrene~s between different kinds of
segmental cleavages and differences in the degree to which
a society is plural.
-
The second prominent characteristic of non-Western
politics is the hrcakdown of democracy. After the initial
opliit1ism concerning the democratic prospects of the
newly independent countries, based largely on the
G democratic aspirations voiced by their political lca<lcrs: a
mood of disillusionment has set in. And, according to
many observers, there is a direct connection bct\vecn the
two fundamental features of non-Western politics: a plural
society is incapable of sustaining a den1ocralic govcrn-
H ment.n
R.C. POUDYAL v. U.0.1. [VENKATACHALIAH, J.] 959

Pluralist societies are the result of irreversible movements of history. A
They cannot be washed away. The political genius of a people should be
able to evolve within the democratic system, adjustments and solutions.

6. Pursuant to Article 371-F and the corresponding conseqential
changes brought about in the Representation of the People Act, 1950, B
Representation of the People Act, 1951, as amended by the Election Laws
(Extension to Sikkim) Act, 1976 and the Representation of the People
.
(Amendment) Act, 1980,r 12 out of the 32 seats in the Sikkim Assembly arc
reserved for the Sikkim.!se of "Bhutia-Lepcha" origin and one seat for the
"Sangha", Buddhist Lamaic monasteries the election to which latter being
on the basis of a separate Electoral roll in which only the "Sanghas" c
- belonging to the Lamaic monasteries recognis~d for the purposes of elec-
tions held in Sikkim in April, 1974, are entitled to be registered.

These reservations of seats for the ethnic and religious groups are
assailed by the petitioners who are Sikkimese of Nepali origin as violative D
of the fundamentals of the Indian constitutionalism and as violative of the
principles of republicanism and secularism forming the bedcrock of the
Indian constitutional ethos. The basic contention is that Sikkim citizen is
as much as citizen of the Union of India entitled to all the Constitutional
guarantees and the blessings of a Republican Democracy.
E
·-1.
7. It is necessary here to advert to the movement for the estab-
lishment of a responsible Government in Sikkim and of the evolution of its

- political institutions.

By a Royal Proclamation of 28th December, 1952, State Council was
F
set-up in which out of the 12 elected members, 6 were to be Bhutias-Lep-
chas and the other 6 Sikkimese of Nepalese origin. Sikkim was divided into
four constituencies with the following break-down of the distribution of
seats between Bhutias-Lepchas and the Nepalis :

(i) Gangtok Constituency 2 Bhutia-Lepcha 1 Nepali G

(ii) North-Central Constituency 2 Bhutia -Lepcha 1 Nepali
A
(iii) Namchi Constituency 1 Bhutia -Lepcha 2 Nepalis

(iv) Pemayangtse Constituency 1 Bhutia-Lepcha 2 Nepalis H
960 SUPREME COURT REPORTS (1993] 1 S.C.R.

A By "the State Council and Executive Council Proclamation, 1953"
dated 23rd March, 1953, a State Council of 18 members consisting of 12 y
elected members, 5 nominated members and a President to be nominated
by the Maharaja was constituted. Out of the 12 elected members, again 6
were to be Bhutias-Lcpchas and the other 6 of Nepalese origin. Clauses 1,
2 and 3 of ihe Proclamation read :
B
"L This Proclamation may be cited as the State Council
and Executive Council Proclamation, 19~3, and shall come
into operation immediately on its publica\ion in the Sikkim
Government Gazette.
c
2. There shall be constituted a State Council for the State
of Sikkim.
-
3. The State Council shall consist of :-

D (a) A president who shall be nominated and appointed by
the Maharaja;

(b) Twelve elected members, of whom six shall be either
Sikkim Bhutia, or Lepcha and the remaining six shall be
Sikkim Nepalese; and,
E
(c) Five members nominated by His Highness the
Maharaja in his discrction.

-
1
'

In 1958, the strength of the council was increased to 20. The break ·
up of the its composition was as under :
F
(1) Seats reserved for Bhutia & Lepchas - 6

(2) Seats reserved for Nepalis - 6

(3) General scat -1
G
(4) Seat reserved for the Sangha -1

(5) Nomination by His Highness -6

By the "Representation of Sikkim Subjects Regulation, 1966" dated
H 21.12.1966 promulgated by the then Chogyal, the State Council was to
R.C. POUDYAL v. U.0.1. [VENKATACHALIAH, J.j 961

consist of territorial constituencies as under : A
y 1. Bhutia-Lepchas - 7
2. Sikkimese Nepalese - 7
3. The Sanghas - 1
4. Scheduled Caste - 1
5. Tsang - 1
B
6. General seat - 1
7. Nominated by the Chogyal - 6

Total = 24
c
- 8. The year 1973 saw the culmination of a series of successive political
movements in Sikkim towards a Government responsible to the people. On
8th May, 1973, a tripartite agreement was executed amongst the Ruler of
Sikkim, the Foreign Secretary to the Government of India and the political
parties representing the people of Sikkkim which gave expansion to the D
increassing popular pressure for self-Government and democratic institu-
tions in Sikkim. This tripartite agreement envisaged the right of poeple of
Sikkim to elections on the basis of adult suffrage. It also contemplated the
setting up of a Legislative Assembly in Sikkim to be re-constituted by
election every four years. The agreement declared a commitment to free
and fair elections to be overseen by a represenatative of the Election E
Commission of India. Clause 5 of the Tripartite agreement said :

- "(5) The system of elections shall be so organised as to
make the Assembly adequately representative of the
various sections of the population. The size and composi- F
tion of the Assembly and of the Executive Council shall be
such as may he prescribed fron1 time to Lime, care being
taken to ensure that no single section of the population
acquires a dominating position due mainly to its ethnic
origin, and that the rights and interests of the Sikkimese
Blmtia Lepcha origin and of the Sikkimese Nepali, which G
includes Tsang and Scheduled Caste origin, are fully
protected."

This agreement was effectuated by a Royal Proclamation called the
Representation of Sikkim Subjects Act, 1974. The reservations of seats H
962 SUPREME COURT REPORTS [1993] 1 S.C.R.

A under this dispensation were as under :

"3. The Assembly shall consist of thirty-two elected mem-
bers.
A(i) Sixteen Constituencies shall be reserved for Sikkimese
of Bhutia Lepcha origin.
B
A(ii) Out of these sixteen constituencies, one shall be
reserved for the Sangha.

B(i) The remaining sixteen constituencies shall be reserved
for Sikkimese of Nepali, including Tsong and Scneduled
c
-
Caste, origin.

B(ii) Out of the above-mentioned sixteen constituencies of
· reserved for Sikkimese of Nepali origin, one constituency
shall be reserved for persons belonging to the Scheduled
D Castes notified in the Second Schedule annexed hereto."

9. The Sikkim Assembly so elected and constituted, passed the
Government of Sikkim Act, 1974 "for the progressive realisation of a fully
responsible Government in Sikkim and for further strengthening close ties
with India". Para 5 of the Tripartite agreement dated 8.5.1973 was incor-
E porated in Section 7 of the said Act.

Sections 30 and 33 of the said Act further provided :

"30. For the speedy development of Sikkim in the social,
economic and political field, the Government of Sikkim
-
F may--

(a) request the Govornment of India to include the
planned development of Sikkim v.1thin the ambit to the
Planning Commission of India while that Commission is
preparing plans for the economic and social development
G
of India and to appropriately associate officials from Sik-
kim in such \vork;

(b) request the Government of India to provide facilities
for students from Sikkim in institutions for higher learning
H and for the employment of people from Sikkim in the public
R.C. POUDYAL i: U.0.1. [VENKATACHALIAH, J.j 963

services of India (including All - India Services), at par with A
those available to citizens of India;
y
(c) seek participation and representation for the people of
Sikkim in the political institutions of India."

"33. The Assembly whcih the has been formed as a result B
of the elections held in Sikkim in April, 1974, shall be
deemed to be the first Assembly duly constituted under
this Act, and shall be entitled to exercise the powers and
perform the functions conferred on the Assembly by this
Act." c
- 10. Article 2A of the Constitution introduced by the Constitution
(35th Amendment) Act, 1974 was the Indian reciprocation of the aspira-
tions of the Sikkimese people and Sikkim was given the status of ati
"Associate State" with the Union of India under terms and conditions set
out in the 10th Schedule inserted in the Constitution by the said Constitu- D
tion (35th Amendment) Act, 1974.

11. The year 1975 witnessed an uprising and dissatisfaction of the
people against the Chogyal. The Sikkim Assembly, by an unanimous resolu-
tion, abolished the institution of "Chogyal" and declared that Sikkim shall E
thenceforth be "a constituent unit of India enjoying a democratic and fully
rl'sponsible (il1\·crnn1ent''. The resolution also envisagc<l an opinion-poll on

- the matter. Its resolution was endorsed by the people of Sikkim in the
opinion-poll conducted on 14.4.1975. The Constitution (36th Amendment)
Act, 1975 came to be passed gi,fog statehood to Sikkim in the Indian polity. F
Article 2A was repealed. Article 371-F introduced by the. 36th Constitu-
tional Amendment, envisaged certain special conditions for the admission
of Sikkim as a new State in the Union of India. Certain legislative measures
for amendments to the Electoral Laws considered necessary to meet the
special situation of Sikkim, were also brought into force. Clause (f) of
Article 371F reads : G

"(f) Parliament may, for the purpose of protecting the rights
and interests of the different sections of the population of
Sikkim, make pro\1sion for the numbef of seats in the
Legislative Assembly of the State of Sikkim which may be H
964 SUPREME COURT REPORTS (1993) 1 S.C.R.

A filled by candidates belonging to such secuons and for the
delimitation of the assembly constituencies from which
candidates belonging to such sections alone may stand for
election to the Legislative Assembly of the State of Sikkim.'

The Election Laws (Extension to Sikkim) Act, 1976 sought to extend,
B with certain special provisions, the Representation of the People Act, 1950
and the Representation of the People Act, 1951 to Sikkim.

Section 25A of the said Act provides :

''25-A. Conditions of registration as elector in Sangha Con-
c stituency in Sikkim - Notwithstanding anything contained
in sections 15 and 29, for the Sangha Constituency in the
State of Sikkim, only the Sanghas belonging to monasteries,
-
recognised for the purpose of the elections held in Sikkim
in April, 1974, for forming the Assembly for Sikkim, shall
D be entitled to be registered in the electoral roll, and the
said electoral roll shall, subject to the provisions of sections
21 to 25, be prepared or revised in such manner as may be
directed by the Election Commission, in consultation with
the Government of Sikkim."

E By the "Representation of the People (Amendment) Ordinance,
1979" promulgated by the President of India on 11.9.1979, amendments

-
were introduced to the Representation of the People Act, 1950 and the
Representation of the People Act, 1951 to enable fresh elections to the
'
Sikkim Assembly on certain basis considered appropriate to and in con-
F formity with the historical evolution of the Sikkim's political institutions.
The Ordinance was later replaced by Representation of the People.
(Amendment) Act, 1980 by which sub-section (1-A) was inserted in Section
7 of the Representation of the People Act, 1950. That sub-section provides:

"(1-A). Notwithstanding anything contained in sub-s. (1),
G the total number of seats in the Legislative Assembly of the
State of Sikkim, to be constituted at anytime after the
commencement of the Representation of the People
(Amendment) Act 1980 to be filled by persons chosen by
direct election from assembly constituencies shall be thir-
H ty-two, of which -
R.C. POUDYAL v. U.0.1. [VENKATACHALIAH, J.] 965

(a) twelve seats shall be reserved for Sikkimese of Bhutia- A
y Lepcha origin;

(b) two seats shall be reserved for the Scheduled Caste of
that State; and

(c) one seat shall be reserved for the Sangh as referred to B
in Section 25-A.

Explanation : In this sub-s. 'Bhutia' includes Chumbipa,
Dopthapa, Dukpa, Kagatey, Sherps, Tibetan, Tromopa and
Yolmo. 11
c
- Section 5-A was also introduced in the Representation of the People
Act, 1951. Sub-section (2) of Section 5A provides :

"5A (2) Notwithstanding anything contained in Section 5,
'7(
a person shall not be qualified to be chosen to fill a seat in
D
the Legislative Assembly of the State of Sikkim, to be
constitued at any time after the commencement of the
Representation of the People (Amendment) Act, 1980
unless -

--{ (a) in the case of a seat reserved for Sikkimese of Bhutia- E
Lepcha origin, he is a person either of Bhutia or Lepcha
origin and is an elector for any assc1nbly conslitu1:ncy in
- the State other than the constituency reserved for the
Sanghas'

(b) in the case of a seat reserved for the Scheduled Castes, F
he is a member of any of those castes in the State of Sikkim
and is an elector for any assembly constituency in the State;

(c) in the case of a seat reserved for Sanghas, he is an
elector of the Sangha constituency; and G
(d) in the case of any other seat, he is an elector for any
...J... assembly constituency in the State."

12. Petitioners assail the constitutionality of the provisions for reser-
vation of seats in favour of Bhutias-Lepchas and the "Sangha". H
966 SUPREME COURT REPORTS [1993] l S.C.R.

A On the contentions urged in support of the petitions, the points that
fall for consideration, are the following :

(a) Whether the questions raised in the petitions pertaining
as they do to the terms and conditions of accession of new
territory are governed by rules of public international law
B and are non-justiciable on the "political questions
doctrine'i'?

(h) Whether clause (!) of Article 371 F of the Constitution
of India, introduced by the Constitution (36th Amend-
c ment) Act, 1975 is violative of the basic features of
democracy?

(c) Whether Seeton 7(1A) and Section 25A of the Repre-
sentation·of the People Act, 1950 [as inserted by Election
Laws (Extension to Sikkim) Act, 1976) and Representation
D of the People (Amendment) Act, 1980 respectively and
Section 5A(2) of the Representation of the People Act,
1951 [as inserted by the Representation of the People
(Amendment) Act, 1980) providing for reservation of 12
seats, out of 32 seats in the Sikkim Legislative Assembly in
favour of Bhutias-Lepachas, are unconstitutional as viola-
E
tive of the basic features of democracy and republicanism
under the Indian Constitution?

( d) Whether the aforesaid provisions and the reservations
made thereunder are violative of Article 14, 170(2) and 332
-
F .of the Constitution? Whether they violate 'one person one
vote' rule? Or are these differences justified in the histori-
cal background of Sikkim and are incidental to the-political
events culminating in the cession of Sikkim?

(e) Whether the reservatio11 of 12 seats out of 32 seats
G reserved for Bhutias-Lcpchas is ultra vires of clause (l) of
Article 371-F in that while that provision enabled the
protection of the rights and interests of different· sections
of population of Sikkim and for the number of seats in the
Legislative Assembly which mav he filled by the candidates
H belonging to such sections, the in1rugned provisions pro-
R.C. POUDYAL v. U.0.1. (VENKATACHALIAH, J.] 967

vide for one section alone, namely, the Bhutias-Lepchas. A
(t) Whether, at all events in view of the Constitution (Sik-
kim) Scheduled Tribes Order, 1978 declaring Bhutias and
Lepchas as a Schedule Tribe, the extent of reservation of
seats is disproportionate and violative of Article 332(3) of
the Constitution which requires that the number of seats B
to be reserved shall bear as nearly as may be, the same
proportion to tbe total number of the seats in the Assembly
as the population of the Secheduled Tribe in the State bears
to the total population of the State.
c
(g) Whether the reservation of one seat for Sangha to be
elected by an Electoral College of Lamaie monasteries is
based purely on religious distinctions and is, therefore,
unconstitutional as violative of Articles l'S(l) and 325 of
the Constitution and as violative of the principle of
~ecularism? D

Re : Contention (a)

13. The territory of Sikkim was admitted into the· Indian Union by
an act of voluntary cession by the general consent of its inhabitants ex- E
pressed on a Referendum. Referring to the acquisition of title to territory
by cession, a learned author says :

"(!)Title by Cession- Title to territory may also be acquired
by an act of cession, which means, the transfer of
sovereignty over State territory by the owner (ceding) State F
to the acquiring State. It rests on the principle that the right
of transferring its territory is a fundamental attribute of the
sovereignty of a State."

"Plebiscite - The method of plebiscite in certain cases was
adopted by the Treaties of Peace after the First World War, G
and it had the buyanl blessing of President Wilson who told
the Congress: "No peace can last or ought to last, which
does not recognise and accept the principle that govern-
ment drive all their just powers from the consent of the
governed, and that no right anywhere exists to hand peoples H
968 SUPREME COURT REPORTS [1993] l S.C.R.

A about from sovereignty as if they were property." Article
26 of the Constitution of France (1946) provides that no
new territory shall be added to France without a plebiscite.

In certain cases, cession may be made conditional upon the
result of a plebiscite, which is held to give effect to the
B principle of self-determination. In other words, no cession
shall be valid until the inhabitants have given their consent
to it by a plebiscite. It is often only a technicality, as in
Outer Mongolia, in 1945, and in South-West Africa, in
1946. As Oppenheim observes, it is doubtful whether the
c law of nations will ever make it a condition of every cession
that it must be ratified by a plebiscite."

[See : Substance of Public International Law Western and
Eastern: A.K. Pavithran First Edition, 1965 at pp. 281-2]

D Sri Parasaran urged that the rights of the inhabitants of a territory
becoming part of India depend on the terms subject to which the territory is
admitted and Article 2 confers wide powers on the Parliament. Sri Parasaran
urged that the considerations that guide the matter are eminently political
and are outside the area of justiciability. Sri Parasaran said that the in-
habitants of a territory can claim and assert only those rights that the suc-
E ceeding sovereign expressly confers on them. Sri Parasaran relied upon the
following observations of Chief Justice Chandrachud in VinodKumar Shan-
ti/al Gosalia v. Gangadhar Narsingdas Agarwal & Ors., [1982] 1 SCR 392:

"Before considering t\te merits of the respective conten-
F tions bearing on the effect of the provisions of the Ad-
ministration Act and the Regulation, it is necessary to
reiterate a well-settled legal position that when a new
territory is acquired in any manner -- be it by consent,
annexation or cession following upon a treaty -- the new
"sovereign" is not bound by the rights which the residents
G of the conquered territory had against their sovereign or
by the obligations of the old sovereign towards his subjects.
The rights of the residents of a territory against their state
of sovereign come to an end with the conquest, annexation
or cession of that territory and do not pass on to the new
H environment. The inhabitants of the acquired territory
R.C. POUDYAL v. U.0.!. [VENKATACHALIAH, J.] 969

bring with them no rights whcih they can enforce against A
the new State of which they become inhabitants. The new
state is not required, by any positive assertion or declara-
tion, to repudiate its obligations by disowning such rights.
The new state may recongnise the old rights by re-granting
them which, in the majority of cases, would be a matter of
contract or of executive action; or, alternatively, the B
recongnition of old rights may be made by an appropriate
statutory provisions whereby rights which were in force
immediately before an apvointed date are saved. Whether
the new state has accepted new obligations by recognising
old rights, is a question of fact depending upon whether c
one or the other course has been adopted by it. And,
whether it is alleged that old rights are saved by a statutory
provision, it becomes necessary to determine the kind of
rights which are saved and the extend to which they are
11
saved.
D
But, we are afraid these observations are inapposite in the present
context as the situation .is different here. What the argument overlooks is
that the petitioners are not seeking to enforce such rights as vested in them
prior to the accession. What they seek to assert and enforce, are the rights
which the Indian Constitution confers on them upon the accession of their E
territory into the Indian Union and as arising from the conferment on them
of Indian citizenship. In the present cases the question of recognition and
enforcement of the rights which the petitioners, as residents of the ceded
territory had against their own sovereign or by the obligations of the old
sovereign its people, do not arise. F

The principal questions are whether there are any constitutional
limitations on the power of Parliament in the matter of prescription of the
terms and conditions for admission of a new State into the Union of India;
and if so, what these limitations are.
G
14. Articles 2 and 4 of the Constitution provide :

"2. Parliament may by law admit into the Union, or estab-
lish, ne\v States on such tern1s and conditions as it thinks
fit." H
970 SUPREME COURT REPORTS [1993] 1 S.C.R.

A "4. (1) Any law referred tu in article 2 or article 3 shall
contain such provisions for the amendment of the First
Schedule and the Fourth Schedule as may be necessary to
give effect to the provisions of the law and may also
contain such supplemental, incidental and consequential
provisions (including provisions as to representation in
B Parliament and in the Legislature or Legislatures of the
State or States affected by such law) as Parliament may
deem necessary.

(2) No such law as aforesaid shall be deemed to be an
c amendment of this Constitution for the purpose of article
368.

Can the Parliament in imposing terms and conditions in exercise of
power under Article 2 stipulate and impose conditions inconsistent with
D the basic and fundamental principles of Indian Constitutionalism? Or is it ~
imperative that the newly admitted State should be treated exactly similar
to the States as at the time of the commencement of the Constitution? If
not, what is the extent of the permissible departure and latitude and do the
conditions in clause (f) of Article 371-F and as expressed in the electoral
laws as applicable to Sikkim go beyond these constitutionally permissible
E limits? These are some of the questions.

15. The learned Attorney-General for the Union of India and Sri
Parasaran sought to contend that the terms and conditions of admission of
a new territory into the Union of India are eminently political questions
F which the Court should decline to decide as these questions lack adjudica-
tive disposition. This political thickets doctrine as a restraint on judicial
power has been the subject of forensic debate, at once intense and inter- J>-
esting, and has evoked considerable judicial responses.

16. In "The Constitution of the United States of America" (Analysis
G and Interpretation; Congressional Research Service: Library of Congress
1982 Edn. at p.703), the following statement of the law on the subject
occurs:

"It may be that there will be a case assuredly within the
H Court's jurisdiction presented by the parties with standing
R.C. POUDYAL v. U.0.1. [VENKATACHALIAH, J.] 971

in which adverseness and ripeness will exist, a case in other A
words presenting all the qualifications we have considered
making it a justiciable controversy, which the Court will
nontheless refuse to adjudicate. The "label" for such a case
is that it presents a "political question".

Tracing the origins and development of this doctrine, the authors B
·•
refer to the following observations of Chief Justice Marshall in Marbury v.
Madison, 1 Cr. 5 US 137, ?70 (1803) :

''The province of the court is, solely, to decide on the rights
of individuals, not IC\ inquire how the executive, or executive
c
- officers, perform duties in which they have a discretion.
Questio11s in their 11atura/ politica~ or which are, by the
constitution and laws, submitted to the executive ca11 11ever
be made i11 this court.'

(emphasis supplied) D
The authors further say :
11
But the doctrine was asserted even earlier as the Court in
Ware v. Hylton, 3 Dall. 3 US 199 (1796) refused to pass on
the question whether a treaty had been broken. And in E
Martin v. Mott, 12 Wheat. 25 US 19 (1827) the Court held
that the President acting under congressional authorization
- had exclusive and unreviewable power to determine when
the militia should be called out. But it was in Luther v.
Borden, 7 How. 48 US 1 (1849) that the concept was first F
enunciated as a doctrine separate from considerations of
interference with executive functions. 11

17. Prior to the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States
in Baker v. Carr, 369 US 186 the cases challenging the distribution of
political power through apportionment and districting, weighed-voting, and G
restrictions on politiciil action were held to present non-justiciable political
questions. The basis of this doctrine was the "seeming conviction of the
courts that the issues raised were well beyond the judicial responsibility".
In Baker v. Carr, the Court undretook a major rationalisation and formula-
tion of the 'political question doctrine' which led to considerable narrowing H
972 SUPREME COURT REPORTS [1993] 1 S.C.R.

A of its application. The effect Baker v. Carr., and the later decision in Poweel
v. McConnack, 395 US 486 is that in the United States of America certain
controversies previously immune from adjudication were held justiciable Y
and decided on the merits. The rejection of the political thickets arguments
in these cases marks a narro,ving of the operation of the doctrine in other
B areas as well.

In Japan Whaling Ass'n v. American Cetacean Society, 478 [1986] US
221 the American Supreme Court said :

c "We address first the .Japanese petitioners' contention that
the present actions arc unsuitable for judicial review be-
cause they involve foreign relations and that a federal court,
therefore, lacks the judicial power to command the
Secretary of Con1merce, an Executive Branch official, to
D dishonor and repudiate an international agreement. Rely-
ing on the political question doctrine, and quoting Baker v.
Carr., 369 US 186, 217 7 L Ed. 2d 663, 82 S Ct. 691 (1969),
the Japanese Petitioners argue that the danger of "embar-
rassment from multifarious pronouncements by various
departments on one question" bars any judicial resolution
E of the instant controversy." (Page 178)

"We disagree. Baker carefully pointed out that not every
matter touching on politics is a political question, id., at
F 209, 7 L Ed. 2d 663, 82 S.Ct. 691, and more specifically,
that it is "error to suppose that every case of controversy
which touches foreign relations lies beyond judicial cog-
nizance." Id., at 211, 7 L Ed. 2d 663, 82 S Ct. 691. 171e
political question doctrine excludes from judicial review those
controversies tt:fzich revolve around policy choices and value
G detenninations constitutionally committed for resolution to
the halls of Congress or the confines of the Executive Branch.
17ie Judiciary is panicularly ill-suited to make such decisions,
us "courts are fundamentally underequipped to fonnulate
national policies or develop standards for matters not legal
H in nature." (P. 178)
R.C. POUDYAL v. U.O.I. [VENKATACHALIAH, J.] 973

''As Baker plainly held, however, the courts have the authority A
to constme treaties and executive agreenients, and it goes
without saying that interpreting congressional legislation is a
recuning and accepted task for the federal courts. It is also
evident that the challenge to the Secretary's decision not
to certify Japan for harvesting whales in excess of !WC
B
quotas presents a purely legal question of statutory inter-
pretation. The Court must first determine the nature and
scope of the duty imposed upon the secretary by the
Amendments, a decision which calls for applying no more
than the traditional rules of statutoty construction, and then
applying this analysis to the particular set of facts presented c
below. We arc cognizent of the interplay between these
Amendments and the conduct of this Nation's foreign
relations, and we recognize the premier role which both
Congress and the Executive play in this field. But under the
Constitution, one of the Judiciary's characteristic roles is to
D
interpret Statutes, and we cannot shirk this responsibility
merely because our decision may have significant political
overtones." (PP. 178-9)

(emphasis supplied)
E
18. Our Court has received and viewed this doctrine with a cautious
reservation. lnA.K Roy v. Union of India, [1982] 2 SCR 272 at 296-7, Chief
Justice Chandrachud recognised that the doctrine, which was essentially a
function of the separation of powers in Ameri<;a, was to be adopted
cautiously and said : F

"It must also be mentioned that in the United States itself,
the doctrine of the political question has come under a
cloud and has been the subject matter of adverse criticism.
It is said that all that the doctrine really means is that in
the exercise of the power of judicial review, the courts must G
adopt a 'prudential' attitude, which requires that they
should be wary of deciding upon the merit of any issue in
which claims of principle as to the issue and claims of
expediency as to the power and prestige of courts are in
sharp conflict. The result, more or less, is that in America If ,
974 SUPREME COURT REPORTS [1993) l S.C.R.

A the phrase "political question' has become "a little more
than a play of words".
y
There is further recognition of the limitation of this doctrine in the
pronouncement of this Court in Madhav Rao v. Union of India, [1971) 3
SCR 9 and State of Rajasthan v. Union of India, [1978) 1 SCR 1.
B
19. It is urged for the respondents that Article 2 of the Constitution
empowers the Parliament, by law, to admit into the Union new States "on )
such terms and conditions as it finds fit" and that these considerations
involve complex questions of political policy and expdience; of internation-
C al-relations; of security and defence of the realm etc. whcih do not possess
and present judicially manageable standards. Judicial response to these
questions, it is urged, is judicial restraint.

The validity of clause (f) of Article 371 F introduced by the Constitu-
D tion (36th Amendment) Act, 1975 is assailed on the ground that the said
clause provides for a reservation which violates 'one person one vote' rule
""
which is essential to democracy which latter is itself a basic feature of the
Constitution. The power to admit new States into the Union under Article
2 is, no doubt, in the very nature of the power, very wide and its exercise
E necessarily guided by political issues of considerable complexity many of
which may not be judicially manageable. But for that reason, it cannot be t--
predicated that Article 2 confers on the Parliament an unreviewable and
unfettered power immune from judicial scrutiny. The power is limited by
the fundamentals of the Indian constitutionalism and those terms and
conditions which the Parliament may deem fit to impose, cannot be incon-
--
F sistent and irrecouciliable with the foundational principles of the Constitu-
tion and cannot violate or subvert the Constitutional scheme. This is not
~
to say that the conditions subject to which a new State or territory is
admitted into the Union ought exactly be the same as those that govern all
other States as at the time of the commencement of the Constitution.
G
It is, however, urged that Article 371F starts with a non obstante
clause and therefore the other provisions of the Constitution do not limit
the power of impose conditions. But Article 371-F cannot transgress the
basic features of the Constitution. The non obstante clause cannot be
·"'
H construed as taking clause (f) of Article 371F outside the limitations on the
R.C. POUDYAL v. U.0.l. [VENKATACHALIAH, J.] 975

amending power itself. The provisions of c'.ause (f) of Article 371-F and A
y Article 2 have to be construed harmoniously consistent with the founda-
tional principles and basic features of the Constitution. Whether clause (f)
has the effect of destroying a basic feature of the Constitution depends, in
turn, on the question whether reservation of seats in the legislature based
on ethnic group is itself destructive of democr2tic principle. Whatever the B
merits of the contentions be, it cannot be said the issues raised are
non-justiciable.

In Mangal Singh & Anr. v. Union of India, [1967] 2 SCR 109 at 112
this Court said :
c
- "... Power with which the Parliament is invested by Arts. 2
and 3, is power to admit, establish, or form new States
which conform to the democratic pattern envisaged by the
Constitution; and the power which the Parliament may
exercise by law is supplemental, incidental or consequential D
to the admission, establishment or formation of a State as
contemplated by the Constitution, and is not power to
override the constitutional scheme 11 •

Even if clause (f) of Article 371 Fis valid, if the terms and conditions
---{. stripulated in a law made under Article 2 read with clause (f) of Article E
371F go beyond the constitutionally permissible latitudes, that law can be

- questioned as to its validity. The contention that the vires of the provisions
and effects of such a law are non-justiciable cannot be accepted.

Contention (a) requires to be and is rejected. F

~ Re : Colltentions (b ), (c) and (d)

20. The objection of non-justiciability thus out of their way, .he
petitioners urge that the provisions in clause (f) of Article 371F enabling G
reservation of seats for sections of the people and law made in exercise of
that power providing reservation of seats to Bhutias-Lepchas violate fun-
_.. __ damental principles of democracy and republicanism under the Indian
Constitution and violate the 'one person one vote' rule which, it is urged,
is a basic to the republican principle found in Article 170(2) of the
Constitution. H
976 SUPREME COURT REPORTS [1993] 1 S.C.R.

A Sri R.K. Jain, learned senior counsel for the petitioners said that
apart from the invalidity of the power itself the exercise of the power in-(·
the matter of the extent of the reservations made for Bhutias-Lepchas has
the effect of whittling down, correspondingly, the value of the votes of the
Sikkimese of Nepalese origin and is destructive of the equality principle
B and the democratic principle. Clauses (1) and (2) of Article 170 provide:

"170. (1) Subject to the provisions of article 333, the Legis-
lative Assembly of each State shall consist of not more than ).
five hundred, and not less than sixty, members chosen by
direct election from territorial constituencies in the State.
c
(2) For the purposees of clause (1), each State shall be
divided into territorial constituencies in such manner that
-
the ratio between the population of each constituency and
the number of seats allotted to it shall, so far as practicable
be the same throughout the State.
D
Explanation. In this clause, the expression 11 population11
means the population as ascertained at the last preceding
census of which the relevant figures have been published:"

This provision incorporates the rule of 'fair and effective repre- ,_.
E sentation'. Though the rule 'one person one vote' is a broad principle of
democracy, it is more a declaration of a political ideal than a mandate for
enforcement with arithmetical accuracy. These are the usual problems that
arise in the delimitation of constituencies. In what is called "First-past-the-
post" system of elections, the variations in the size and in the voting
F populations of different constituencies, detract from a strict achievement
of this ideal. The system has the merit of preponderance of "decisiveness" ;>-·
over "representativeness 11 •

Commenting on this phenomenon Keith Graham in "The Battle of
G Democracy: Conflict, Consensus and the Individual" says :

nThis, in existing systems where voters are electing repre-
sentatives, examples of gross inequality between the powers
of different votes occur, either because of desparities in
constituency size or because of the anomalies produced in
H a first-past-the-post system. There was, for instance, an
R.C. POUDYAL v. U.0.1. [VENKATACHALIAH, J.] 977

occasion when one Californian State Senator represented A
y six million electors and another one fourteen thousand
electors (Portter 1981:114); in February, 1974 constituen-
cies in England varied from 96,380 to 25,007 electors
(Hansard Society Commission 1976:7); and in the United
Kingdom between 1945 and 1976 nine out of ten of the
elected governments acquired more than 50 per cent of
B
the seats, but none acquired 50 per cent of the votes cast
(ibid.:9). When the United States Supreme Court asserted
that it had jurisdiction in the matter of huge disparities in
the value of citizens' votes . it did so, significantly, by
referring to the Fourteenth Amendment, which guaran- c
tees equal protection of the laws." (Page 55)

21. The concept of political equality underlying a democratic system
is a political value. Perfect political equality is only ideological. Indeed, as
Rodney Brazier points out in his "Constitutional Refonn: Re-shaping the D
British Political System" :

"Inextricably linked in the voting system with unfairness is
the supremacy of decisiveness over representativeness.
The first-past-the-post system has developed into a mighty
engine which can be relied on to produce a government E
from one of the two principal parties. But in that develop-
ment the purpose of gathering a House of Commons
which is broadly representative of the electorate has rather
faded. This would be possibly not be as important as it is
if the elective function worked on the basis of a majority F
of voters conferring a parliamentary majority on the win-
nbg party. Patently, however, it does not do so. Mrs.
Thatcher's 144-seat landslide majority in 1983, and her
huge 102-seat majority in 1987, were achieved even though
on both occasions some 57 per cent of votes were given
to other parties. Almost 60 per of voting citizens voted G
against the Conservative Government. This is by no means
a recent phenomenon. Attlee's 146-seat majority in 1945
was won on under 48 per cent of the vote, and indeed no
winning party has been supported by half or more of those
going to the polls since the general election of 1935. Are the H
978 SUPREME COURT REPORTS [1993] 1 S.C.R.

A virtues of the British electoral system - simplicity, decisive-
ness, its ability to produce stable governments, and so on
- so self-evident as to justify such distortions of the electoral
will? It is really necessary to have voting system predicated
either on the representative function, or (as in Britain) on
the elective function?" (Page 46)
B
Again, Brazier in "Constitutional Practice" (Clarendon Press Oxford)
says:

"The first-past-the-post system usually has the advantage
c of producing a majority government at a general election:
it is decisive, simple, and familiar to the electorate. Yet it
is also unfair. No one could say that a scheme which gives
one political group three per cent of the seats from 22.6
per cent of the national vote, but which gives another party
36 per cent of the seats with a mere eight per cent more of
D the votes, does anything but violence to the concept of fair
play as the British understand it. The present system a!So
underpins elective dictatorship in a way that different elec-
toral rules, which would return more MPs from third (and
perhaps fourth) parties, would undermine. And we speak
E of 'majority governments' by refercnc1.' to seats won in the
House, but no government has been returned with a
majority of the popular vote since 1935." (Page 191)

Arend Lijphart in "'Democracy in Plural Societies" observes :

F "Formidable though the classic dangers are of a plurality
of sovereign states, these have to be reckoned against those
inherent in the attempt to contain disparate communities
within the framework of a single government. In the field
of peace research, there is a similar tendency to frown on
peace which is achieved by separating the potential
G enemies-- significantly labeled "negative" peace--and to
strive for peace based on fraternal feeling within a single
integrated and just society: "positive" peace. (P. 47)

The problem of equality of the value of votes is further complicated
H by a progressive rural depopulation and increasing urbanisation. In the
R.C. POUDYAL v. U.0.1. [VENKATACHALIAH, J.] 979

work "Legislative Apportionment : Key to Power" (Howard D. Hamilton) A
the learned author says :

"But even the right to vote, and its exercise does not in itself
insure equal voice in the affairs of government.

Today--morc than 175 years after the nation was founded- B
the votes of millions of citizens are worth only one-half, one
quarter and even one-one hundredth the value of votes of
others because of the unfair formulas by which we elect the
Unites States Congress and the legislatures of the forty-
cight states. As our population grows and moves con- c
tinuously toward urban centres, the ballots of millions become
less and less equal to the votes of others. Our system of
representative government is being sapped at its roots.n

11
Who arc the second-class citizens in this under - repre-
sented majority? They arc the millions living in our towns D
and cities, says the United States Conference of Mayors,
pointing to the fact that the 59 per cent of all Americans
who were living in urban centers in 1947 elected only 25
percent of the state legislators." (Page 74)
E
Gordon E. Baker writing on 11 0ne Person, One Vote : 11 Fair and
Effective Representation?" [Representation and Misrepresentation - Rand
McNally & Co. Chicago] says:

"While population inequality among legislative districts is
hardly new, its has become a major source of controversy F
primarily in the twentieth century."

"A statistical analysis of the New Jersey Senate by Professor
Ernest C. Reock, Jr., revealed that "The average relative
population deviation rose from 27.7. per cent in 1791 to
80.0 per cent in 1922. The ratio between the largest and G
smallest counties - only 7.85 at the beginning of that period
- reached 33.51 at the end. The minimum percentage of the
state's population residing in counties electing a majority
of the Senate dropped from 41.0 per cent to 15.9 per cent."
(PP. 72-3) H
980 SUPREME COURT REPORTS [1993] 1 S.C.R.

A 22. Sri Jain, however, relied upon the decision in BA. Reynolds v.
M.O. Sims, 377 US 506 at 527 in which it was observed : y
"Undoubtedly, the right of suffrage is a fundamental matter
in a free and democratic society. Especially since the right
to exercise the franchise in a free and unimpaired manner
B is preservative of other basic civil and political rights, any
allege infringement of the right of citizens to vote must be
carefully and meticulously scrutinized."

"Legislators represent people, not trees or acres. Legis-
c lators are elected by voters, not farms or cities or economic
interests. As long as ours is a representative form of govern-
ment, and our legislatures are those instruments of govern-
ment elected directly by and directly representative of the
people, the right to elect legislators in a free and unim-
paired fashion is a bedrock of our political system."
D
"And, if a State should provide that the votes of citizens in
one part of the State should be given two times, or five
times, or 10 times the weight of votes of citizens in another
part of the State, it could hardly be contended that the right
E to vote of those residing in the disfavored areas had not
been effectively diluted. It would appear exordinary to
suggest that a State could be constitutionally permitted to
enact a law providing that certain of the State:s voters could
vote two, five or 10 times for their legislative repre-
sentatives, while voters living elsewhere could vote only
F onc:e. 11

Even so, Chief Justice Warren observed:

"... We realize that it is a practical impossibility to arrange
legislative districts so that each one has an identical number
G of residents, or citizens, or voters. Mathematical exactness
or precision is hardly a workable constitutional require-
ment." (p.536)

"... So long as the divergences from a strict population sta11d-
H ard are based 011 legitimate considerations incident to the
R.C POUDYAL v. U.0.1. [VENKATACHALIAH, J.] 981

effectuation of a rational stale policy, some deviations from A
y the equal-population principle are constitutional(y pennis-
' sible with respect lo the apportionment of seats in either or
both of the two houses of a bicameral state legislature."
(p.537)

(emphasis supplied) B

23. Section 24 of the Australian Constitution rcquires_that "the House
of Representatives shall be composed of members directly chosen by the
people of Commonwealth". The High Court of Australia considered the
principle of Reynolds v. Sims, (supra) somewhat inapposite in the Australian C
- context. Jn Allomey General (CTH) Ex.. Rel. Mckinlay v. The Common-
wealth, [1975] 135 CLR 1 at p.22 Barwick CJ observed :

"lt is, therefore, my opinion that the second paragraph of
s.24 cannot be read as containing any guarantee that there
shall be a precise mathematical relationship between the D
number of members chosen in a State and the population
of that State or that every person in Australia or that every
elector in Australia \vill have a vote, or an equal vote. 11

Mason, J. said :
E
"The substance of the matter is that the conception of

- equality in the value of a vote or equality as between
electoral divisions is a comparatively modern development
for which no stipulation was made in the system of
democratic representative government provided for by our F
Constitution." (p.62)

24. It is true that the right to vote is central to the right to participa-
tion in the democratic process. However, there is less consensus amongst
theorists on the propriety of judicial activism in the voting area. In India,
the Delimitation Laws made under Article 327 of the Constitution of India, G
are immune from the judicial test of their validity and the process of
allotment of seats and constituencies not liable to be called in question in
any court by virtue of Article 329(a) of the Constitution. But the laws
providing reservations are made under authority of other provisions of the
Constitution such as those in Art. 332 or clause (!) of Article 371F which H
y
982 SUPREME COURT REPORTS [1993] 1 S.C.R.

A latter is a special provision for Sikkim.

25. The rationale and constitutionality of clause (I) and the other
provisions of the electoral laws impugned in these petitions are sought to
be justified by the respondents on grounds that first, a perfect arithmetical
equality of value of votes is not a constitutionally mendated imperative of
B democracy and, secondly, that even if the impugned provisions make a
departure from the tolerance limits and the constituationally permissible
latitudes, the discriminations arising are justifiable on the basis of the
historical considerations peculiar to and characteristic of the evolution of
Sikkim's· political institutions. This, it is urged, is the justification for the
c special provisions in clause (I) which was specifically intended to meet the
special situation. It is sought to be pointed out that throughout the period
when the ideas of responsible-Government sprouted in Sikkim, there has
-
been a vigilant political endeavour to sustain that delicate balance between
Bhutias-Lepchas on the one hand and the Sikkimese of Nepalese origin on
D the other essential to the social stability of that mountain-State. Clause (I)
of Article 371F was intended to prevent the domination of the later Nepali
immigrants who had, in course of time, outnumbered the original in-
habitants. What Article 371-F(I) and the electoral laws in relation to Sikkim
seek to provide, it is urged, is to maintain this balance in the peculiar
E historical setting of the development of Sikkim and its political institutions.

26. So far as the 'Sangha' is concerned it is urged that though it was
essentially a religious institution of the Buddhists, it however occupied a
unique position in the political, social and cultural life of the Sikkimese
society and the one seat reserved for it cannot, therefore, be said to be based
-
F on considerations 'only' of religion. In the counter-affidavit filed by the
Sikkim Tribal Welfare Association, certain special aspects of the position of
the 'Sangha' in Sikkim's polity ar,e emphasised. Reference to and reliance has
been placed on the extracts from "The Himalayan Gateway" (History and
Culture of Sikkim) in which the following passages occur:

G "The reservation for the Sangha is the most unique feature
of the political set up in the State. It is a concession to
continuity and is admittedly short term. Before the revolu-
tion the Buddhist Sangha of the Lamas wielded immense
power, both religious and political. The people have come
H to have great faith in their wisdom and justice. They are
y
R:C. POUDYAL v. U.O.l. [VENKATACHALIAH, J.] 983

universally respected and still command considerable in- A
fluencc with a section of the people who would be called
v·
poor and politically backward. The presence of onle of
their representatives in the Assembly could possibly give
the illiterate masses a greater faith in its delibera-
tions."(P.149)
B
> "Finally lamaism is a social organisation. The lamas (to a
lesser extent the nuns) are arranged in a disciplined hierar-
-'( chy. They arc a section of society which performs for the
whole society its religious functions; in return the rest of
society should give material support to the lamas .... " (PP. c
- 192- 193)

"It is calculated that about ten per cent of the combined
Bhutia-Lepcha population arc monks. Could there be any-
thing more telling for the spiritual heritage of the people.
According to tradition the second son of every Bhutia D
household is to be called to the Sangha - the order of
Buddhist monks. No matter where one goes, one can come
across a monastery called Gompa. For a. small state like
Sikkim in which the Buddhist Bhutia - Lepcha population
hardly exceed thirty thousands, there are more than thirty
E
famous monasteries. In fact most of the prominent hilitops
of th_e country are cro\vned with a monastery shrine or a

- temple. Apart from these at every village there is a Gornpa
or a village monasto,ry with a resident lama looking after
the spiritual needs of a small community. Frequently, Chor-
ten, the lamaist version of the 01 iginal Buddhist stupa, arc F
also seen." (pp. 112-3)
-'-._
"Life in the countryside centres round the monastery of the
Buddhist monks, the lamas. Birth, death, sickness - all arc
occasions for the lamas to he called in for the performance
G
of appropriate ceremonies. Just putting up a prayer flag
even nceJs the attendance of lamas."(p. 115)
;.
Since the rulers \Vere also monk-incarnates constantly
in transaction with the high Lamas of Tibet and the Deb-
Raja of Bhutan, Lhese monks were used as emissaries, H
984 SUPREME COURT REPORTS [1993] 1 S.C.R.

A medioators, and settlers of various state affairs. In internal
administration also, the monks held important positions.
They were appointed to the State Council, they managed
the monastery estates, administered justice and even
helped the laity in fighting against the enemies. Though
economically dependent, they were very much influential
B both in the court and in public life. In fact, it was these
(
clergymen who managed the affairs of the state in col-
laboration with Kazis." (p. 18, 19)

27. As is noticed earlier Article 2 gives a wide latitude in the matter
C of prescription of terms and conditions >ubject to which a new territory is
admitted. There is no constitutional imperative that those terms and con-
ditions should ensure that the new State should, in all rcpects, be the same
as the other States in the Indian Union. However, the terms and conditions
-
should not seek to establish a form or system of Government or political
D and governmental institutions alien to and fundamentally different from
those the Constitution envisages.

Indeed, in "Constitutional Law of India", [Edited by Hidayatullah, J.
published by the Bar Council of India Trust], it is observed :
E
"Foreign territories, which after acquisition, become a part
of the territory of India under Article 1(3) (c) can be
admitted into the Union of India by a law passed under
Article 2. Such territory may be admitted into the Union
of India or may be constituted into new States on such
-
F
terms and conditions as Parliament may think fit. Such
territory can also be dealt with under clause (a) or (b) of
Article 3. 17zis n1eans that for adniitting into the Indian
Union or establishing a ne1v State, a par/iantenta1y law is
necessary and the new State so admitted or established
G cannot clainz coniplete equality with other Indian States,
because Parlianzenl has poiver to adntit or establish a nelv
State "on such tenns and conditions as ii thinks fit". (Vol. I,
Page 58)

H (Emphasis supplied]
R.C. POUDYAL v. U.0.1. [VENKATACHALIAH, J.] 985

28. Jn judicial review of the vires of the exercise of a constitutional A
power such as the one under Article 2, the significance and importance of
Y the political components of the decision deemed fit by Parliament cannot
be put out of consideration as long as the conditions do not violate the
constitutional fundamentals. Jn the interpretation of constitutional docu-
ment, "words are but the framework of concept and concepts may change B
more than words themselves". The significance of the change of the con-
cepts themselves is vital and the constitutional issues arc not solved by a
mere appeal to the meaning of the words without an acceptance of the line
of their growth. It is aptly said that 'the intention of a Constitution is rather
to outline principles than to engrave details'.
c
- Commenting on the approach appropriate to a Constitution, a
learned author speaking of another federal document says (The Australian
Law Journal, Vol. 43 at p.256) :

"A moment's reflection will show that a flexible approach D
is almost imperative when it is sought to regulate the affairs
of a nation by powers which are distributed, not always in
the most logical fashion, among two or more classes of
political agencies. The difficulties arising from this premise
are much exacerbated by the way in which the Australian E
Constitution came to be formed : drafted by many hands,
then subjected to the hazards of political debate, where the
achievement of unanimity is often bought at the price of
- compromise, of bargaining and expediency."

29. An examination of the constitutional scheme would indicate that F
the concept of 'one person one vote' is in its very nature considerably
-..(_ tolerant of imbalances and departures from a very strict application and
enforcement. The provision in the Constitution indicating proportionality
of representation is necessarily a broad, general and logical principle but
not intended to be expressed with arthmetical precision. Articles 332 (3A) G
• and 333 are illustrative instances. The principle of mathematical propor-
tionality of representation is not a declared basic requirement in each and
-" - every part of the territory of India. Accommodations and adjustments,
having regard to the politcal maturity, awareness and dcgrcss of political
development in different parts of India, might supply the justification for H
"""/ J
'
986 SUPREME COURT REPORTS (1993) 1 S.C.R.
'
~
A even non-elected Assemblies wholly or in part, in certain parts of the
country. The differing degrees of political development and maturity of
y
various parts of the country, may not justify standards based on mathemati- "
·~
cal accuracy. Articles 371A, a special provisions in respect of State of
Negaland, 239A and 240 illustrate the permissible areas and degrees of
B departure. The systemic deficiencies in the plenitude of the doctrine of full
and effective representation has not been understood in the contitutional '
philosophy as derogating from the democratic principle. Indeed, the argu-
ment in the case, in the perspective, is really one of violation of the equality ')'.
principle rather than of the democratic principle. The inequalities in
representation in the present ·case are an inheritance and compulsion from
c the past. Historical considerations have justified a differential treatment.

Article 371F (t) cannot be said to violate any basic feature of the
-T
,.
Constitution such as the democratic principle. .~
~~

~
D 30. From 1975 and onwards, when the impugned provisions came to ii
be enacted, Sikkim has been emerging from a political society and monar-
chical system into the mainstream of a democratic way of life and an ~
industrial civilisation. The process and pace of this political transformation
is necessarily reliant on its institutions of the past. Mere existence of a
E Constitution, by itself, does not ensure constitutionalism or a constitutional
culture. It is the political maturity and traditions of a people that import ~ ~
meaning to a Constitution which otherwise merely embodies political hopes ,.
and ideal~. The provisions of clause (t) of the Article 371F and the
consequent changes in the electoral laws were intended to recognise and
accommodate the pace of the growth of the political institutions of Sikkim
-.. r

F and to make the transition gradual and peaceful and to prevent dominance "
of one section of the population over another on the basis of ethnic loyalties
~
and identities. These adjustments and accommodations reflect a political
expediencies for the maintenance of social equilibrium. The political and •
social maturity and of economic development might in course of time
G enable the people of Sikkim to transcend and submerge these ethnic
apprehensions and imbalances and might in future --- one hopes sooner ---
usher-in a more egalitarian dispensation. Indeed, the impugned provisions, ....
in their very nature, contemplate and provide for a transitional phase in
the political evolution of Sikkim and are thereby essentially transitional in
H character.
y
I
R.C POUDYAL v. U.0.1. JVENKATACHALIAH, J.] 987

It is ltuc that the rescm1tion of scats of the kind and the extent A
~
brought about by the impugned provisions may not, if applied to the
y existing States of the Union, pass the Constitutional muster. But in relation
to a new territory admitted to the Union, the terms and conditions are not
such as to fall outside the permissible constitutional limits. Historical
considerations and compulsions do justify inequality and special treatment. B
In Lachhman Dass etc. v. State of Punjab & 01'., !(JR 1963 SC 222 this
court said :

'( "The law is now well settled that while Article 14 prohibits
discriminatory legislation directed against one individual
or class of individuals, it does not forbid reasonable clas- c
·- sification, and that for this purpose even one person or
group of persons can be a class. Professor Willis says in his
Constitutional Law p.580 "a law applying to one person or
one class of persons is constitutional if there is sufficient
y basis of reason for it... .... And if after reorganisation of D
States and integration of the Pepsu Union in the State of
Punjab, different laws apply to different parts of the State,
that is due to historical reasons, and the< bar. always been
recognised as a proper basis of classification under Article
14."
E
.·-. In State of Madhya Pradesh v. Bhopal Sugar Industries Ltd., [1%4] 6
SCR 846 at 850 this court said:

- "......The Legislature has always the power lo make special
laws to attairi particular objects and for that purpose has F
authority to select or classify persons, objects or transac-
tions upon which the Jaw is intended to operate. Differen-
-( tial treatment becomes unlawful only when it is arbitrary
or not supported by a rational relation with the object of
the statute. ......where application of unequal laws is
reasonably justified for historical reasons, a geographical G
classification founded on those historical reasons would be
upheld."
,I.

< We are of the view that the impugned provisions have been found in
the wisdom of Parliament necessary in the admission of a strategic border· H
y
\
988 SUPREME COURT REPORTS [1993) 1 S.C.R.

A State into the Union. The departures are not such as to negate fundamental
principles of democarcy. We accordingly hold and answer contentions (b),
(c) and (d) also against the petitioners. y
Re : Contentions (e) and (f)

B 31. Sri Jain submitted that clause (0 of Article 371F would 1equire
that wherever provisions for reservation of seats are considered ner.essary
for the purpose of protecting the rights and interests of different s•!ctions
of the population of Sikkim, such reservations are to be made for all such y
sections and not, as here, for one of them alone. This contention ;gnores
c that the provision in clause (0 of Art. 371 F is merely enabling. If reserva-
tion is made by Parliament for only one section it must, by implication, be
construed to have exercised the power respecting the other sections in a
negational sense. The provision really enables reservation confined only to
a particular section.
D
32. Sri Jain contended that Bhutias and Lepchas had been declared "'I"
as Scheduled Tribes under the Constitution [Sikkim Scheduled Tribes)
Order, 1978 and that the extent of the reservation in their favour would
necessarily be governed by the provisions of Article 332(2) of the Constitu-
tion which requires that the number of seats to be reserved shall bear, as
E nearly as may be; the same proportion to the total number of sea.ts in the
Assembly as the population of the Schedule Tribes in the State bears to )-'
the total population of the State. But, in our opinion, clause (0 of Article

F
371F is intended to enable, a departure from Art. 332(2). This is the clear
operational effect of the non obstante clause with which Article 371F opens. -
Sri Jain pointed out with the help of certain demographic statistics
that the degree of reservation of 38% in the present case for a population
of 20%, is disproportionate. This again has to .be viewed in the historical >-
development and the ·rules of apportionment of political power that ob-
G tained between the different groups prior to the merger of the territory in
India. A parity had been maintained all through.

We are of the opinion that the provisions in the particular situation
and the permissible latitudes, cannot be said to be unconstitutional.

H Re : Contention (g)
R.C. POUDYAL v. U.O.l. [VENKATACHALIAH, CJ.] 989

The C011tention is that the reservation of one seat in favour of the A
'Sangha' which is Bhuddhist Lamaic religious monasteries, is one purely
y based on religious considerations and is violative of Articles 15(1) and 325
of the Constitution and offends its secular principles. The reservation of
one seat for the 'Sangha', with a special electorate of its own, might at the
first blush appear to resuscitate ideas of separate electorates considered B
pernicious for the unity and integrity of the country.

The Sangha, the Buddha and the Dharma are the three fundamental
:.( postulates and symbols of Buddhism. In that sense they are religious
institutions. However, the literature on the history of development of the
political institutions of Sikkim adverted to earlier tend to show that the c
- Sangha had played an important role in the political and social life of the
Sikkimese people. It had made its own contribution to the Sikkimese
culture and political development. There is material to sustain the con-
clusion that the'Sangha' had long been associated itself closely· with the
y political developments of Sikkim and was inter-woven with the social and D
political life of its people. It view of this historical association, the
provisions in the matter of reservation of a seat for the Sangha recognises
the social and political role of the institution more than its purely religious
identity. In the historical setting of Sikkim and its social and political
evolution the provision has to be construed really as not invoking the E
impermissible idea of a separate electorate either. Indeed, the provision
'i bears comparison to Articles 333 providing for representation for the
Anglo-Indian community. So far as the provision for the Sangha is con-
- cemed, it is to be looked at as enabling a nomination but the choice of the
nominee being left to the 'Sangha' itself. We are conscious that a separate
electorate for a religious denomination would be obnoxious to the fun- F
damental principles of our secular Constitution. If a provision is made
-( purely on the basis of religious considerations for election of a member of
that religious group on the basis of a separate electorate, that would,
indeed, be wholly unconstitutional. But in the case of the Sangha, it is not
merely a religious institution. It has been historically a political and social G
institution in Sikkim and.the provisions in regard to the seat reserved admit
to being construed as a nomination and the Sangha itself being assigned
).. the task of and enabled to indicate the choice of its nominee. The provision.
can be sustained on this construction. Contention (g) is answered accord-
ingly. H
990 SUPREME COURT REPORTS [1993] 1 S.C.R.

A 33. For the foregoing reasons, all the petitions are di,missed without
any order as to costs.

S.C. AGRAWAL, J. With due deference to my learned brethren for
. whom I have the highest regard, I regret my inability to concur fully with

B the views expressed in either of these judgments. It has, therefore, become
necessary for me to express my views separately on the various question5
that arise for consideration.

These cases arise out of Writ Petitions which were originally filed 'f'
under Article 226 of the Constitution in the High Court of Sikkim and have
c been transferred to thi' Court for disposal under Article 139A of the
Constitution. They involve challenge to the validity of the provisions in-
serted in lhe Representation of the People Act, 1950 (hereinafter referred
to as the '1950 Act') and the Representation of the People Act, 1951
-
(hereinafter referred to as the '1951 Act') by the Election Laws (Extension
D to Sikkim) Act, 1976 (10of1976) (hereinafter referred to as the '1976 Act')
and the Representation of the People (Amendment) Act, 1980 (Act No. 8
of 1080) (hereinafter refrerred to as the '1980 Act'), whereby (i) twelve
seats out of thirty-two seats in the Legislative Assembly of Sikkim have
been reserved for Sikkimese of Bhutia-Lepcha origin; and (ii) one seat has
E been reserved for Sanghas and election to the seat reserved for Sanghas is
required to be conducted on the basis of a separate electoral roll in which
only the Sanghas belonging to monasteries recognised for the purpose of
elections held in Sikkim in April, 1974 for forming the Assembly for Sikkim
are entitled to be registered.

F For a proper appreciation of the questions that arise for considera-
tion, it is necessary to briefly refer to the historical background in which
the impugned provisions were enacted.

Sikkim is mainly inhabited by Lepchas, Bhutias and Nepalese. Lep-
G chas are the indigenous inhabitants. Bhutias came from Kham in Tibet
some time during fifteenth and sixteenth centuries and one of the chieftains
was crowned Chogyal, or religious and secular ruler, in 1642. Lepchas and
Bhutias are Buddhists. By the end of the last century, Sikkim became a ""·
British protectorate and it continued as such till 1947 when British rule
H came to an end in India. During this period, while it was British protec-
y
I

R.C. POUDYAL v. U.O.l. [AGRAWAL, J.] 991

!orate, there was immigration of Nepalese on a large scale and as a result, A
' y by 1947, Sikkimese of Nepali origin out-numbered other people in a ratio
· or 2:1. After the end of the British rule in 1947, Sikkim came under the
protection of the Government of India. On December 3, 1950, the
Maharaja of Sikkim entered into a treaty with "the President of India
whereby it was agreed that Sikkim shall continue to be a Protectorate of B
India and subject to the provisions of the Treaty, shall enjoy autonomy in
regard to its internal affairs.

On December 28, 1952, the Ruler of Sikkim issued a Proclamation
to make provision for election of members of the State Council. The said
C
- Proclamation envisaged twelve elected members in the Council out of
which six were to be Bhutia-Lepcha and six were to be Nepalese. On
March 23, 1953, another Proclamation known as the State Council and
Executive Council Proclamation, 1953, was issued. It provided for a State
- Council consisting of eighteen members (a President to be nominated and
y· appointed by the Maharaja twelve elected members and five nominated D
members). Out of the elected members six were to be either Sikkimese
Bhutia or Lepcha and the remaining six were to be Sikkimese Nepalese.
By Proclamation dated March 16, 1958, the strength of the Council was
raised to twenty. The six seats for nominated members were retained and
wi1ile maintaining the reservation of six seats for Bhutias and Lepchas and
~six scats for Nepalese, it was provided that there shall be one general seat E
and one seat shall be reserved for the Sangha. It was provided that voting
for the seat reserved for the Sangha will be through an electoral college of
- the Sanghas belonging to monasteries recognised by the Sikkim Darbar
(Ruler of Sikkim).
F
Certain adaptations and modifications in the laws relating to election
~ to and composition of the Sikkim Council were made by the Proclamation
dated December 21, 1966 (known as the Representation of Sikkim Subjects
Regulation, 1966) issued by the Chogyal (Ruler) of Sikkim. Under the said
Proclamation, for the purpose of election to the Sikkim Council, Sikkim
was divided into five territorial constituencies, one General Constituency G
and one Sangha Constituency. The General Constituency was to comprise
~- the whole of Sikkim and the Sangha Constituency was to comprise the
Sanghas belonging to the monasteries recognised by the Sikkim Darbar. It
was also declared that, besides the President who was to be appointed by
the Chogyal, the Sikkim Council was to consist of twenty-four rnen.bers out H
'~
\

992 SUPREME COURT REPORTS (1993) 1 S.C.R.

A of which seven were to be Bhutia-Lepcha and seven were to be Sikkimese-
Ncpali who were to be elected from five territorial constituencies; three y
members were to be elected from the general constituency out of whi~h
one seat was to be a General seat, the second from the, Scheduled Castes
as enumerated in the Second Schedule annexed to the Proclamation, and
B the third from Tsongs; and the Sangha Constituency was to elect one
member through an electoral college of the Sanghas. Six seats were to be
filled in by nomination made by the Chogyal at his discretion.

On May 8, 1973, a tripartite agreement was entered into by the
Chogyal of Sikkim, the Foreign Secretary to the Government of India and
C the leaders of the political parties representing the people of SiklOm,
whereby it was agreed that the people of Sikkim would enjoy the right of
election on the basis of adult suffrage to give effect to the principal of one
-
man one vote and that there shall be an Assembly in the Sikkim and that
the said Assembly shall be elected every four years and the elections shall'
D be fair and free, and shall be conducted under the superv/Sion of a ~
representative of the Election Commission of India, who shall be appointed
for the purpose by the Government of Sikkim. Para (5) of the said agree-
ment provided as under :

"(5) The system of elections shall be so organised as to
E make the Assembly adequately representative of the
various sections of the population. The size and composi-
tion of the Assembly and of the Executive Council shall be
such as may be prescribed from time to time, care being
taken to ensure that no single section of the population
-
F acquires a dominating position due, mainly to its ethnic
origin, and that the rights and interests of the Sikkimese
Bhutia Lepcha origin and of the Sikkimese Nepali, which
includes Tsong and Scheduled Caste Caste origin, are fully
protected".

G This tripartite agreement was followed by Proclamation dated
February 5, 1954 issued by Chogyal of Sikkim. The said Proclamation
known as the Representation of Sikkim Subjects Act, 1974, provided that "'
for the purpose of election to the Sikkim Assembly, Sikkim wouldl be
divided' into thirty-one territorial constituencies and one Sangha con-
H stituency and the Sangha constituency would comprise the Sanghas belong-
y)

R.C. POUDYAL v. U.0.1. [AGRAWAL, J.] 993

ing to monasteries recognised by the Chogyal of Sikkim. The Assembly was A
~· to consist of thirty-two elected members. Sixteen Constituencies were to be
reserved for Sikkimese of Bhutia-Lepcha origin, out of which one was
reserved for the Sangha. The remaining sixteen constituencies were to be
reserved for Sikkimese of Nepali, including Tsang and Scheduled Caste,
origin out of which one constituency was to be reserved for persons
belonging to the Scheduled Castes notified in the Schedule annexed to the
B
Proclamation. The elections to the thirty-one territorial constituencies were
':>( to be held on the basis of adult suffrage and the Sangha constituency was
to elect one member through an electoral college of the Sanghas and a
member of the electoral college for the Sanghas was not eligible to vote
for any other constituency. C
- Elections for the Sikkim Assembly were held in accordance with the
Representation of Sikkim Subjects Act, 1974 in April 1974. The Sikkim
Assembly thus elected, passed the Government of Sikkim Bill, 1974, and
Y after having received the assent of the Chogyal of Sikkim the said Bill was D
notified as the Government of Sikkim Act, 1974. As stated in the Preamble,
lhe said Act was enacted to provide "for the progressive realisation of a
fully responsible Government in Sikkim and for further strengthening its
close relationship with India". Section 7 of the said Act relating to elections
to the Sikkim Assembly gave recognit,ion to paragraph 5 of the tripartite
y agreement dated May 8, 1973 in sub-s. (2) wherein it was provided : E

"(2} The Government of Sikkim may make rules for the
- purpose of providing that the Assembly adequately repre-
sents the various sections of the population, that is to say,
while fully protecting the legitimate rights and interests of F
Sikkimese of Lepcha or Bhutia origin and of Sikkimese of
Nepali origin and other Sikkimese, including Tsongs and
Scheduled Castes no single section of the population is
allowed to acquire a dominating position in the affairs of
Sikkim mainly by reason of its ethnic origin".
G
Section 30 of the said Act made provision for association with the
Government of India for speedy development of Sikkim in the social,
·economic and political fields. By section 33 of the said Act, it was declared
that the Assembly which had been formed as a result of the elections held
in April, 1974 shall be deemed to be the first Assembly duly constituted H
994 SUPREME COURT REPORTS (1993) 1 S.C.R.

A under the said Act.

In order to give effect to the wishes of the people of Sikkim for ·-.,--·
strengthening Indo-Sikkim cooperation and inter-relationship, the Con-
stitution of India was amended by the Constitution (Thirty- Fifth Amend-
ment) Act, 1974, as a result of which Article 2-A was inserted and Sikkim
B was associated with the Union on the terms and conditions set out in the
Tenth Schedule inserted in the Constitution by the said amendment.

It appears that on April 10, 1975, the Sikkim Assembly unanimously '-,:
passed a resolution wherein, after stating that .the activities of the Chogyal
c of Sikkim were in violation of the objectives of the tripartite agreement
dated May 8, 1973 and that the institution of Chogyal not only does not
promote the wishes ·and expectations of the people of Sikkim but also
-
impeded their democratic development and participation in the political
and economic life of India, it was declared and resolved :
"(
D
"The institution of the Chogyal is hereby abolished and
Sikkim shall henceforth be a constituent unit of India,
enjoying a democratic and fully responsible Government".

It was ;urther resolved :
E
"1. The Resolution contained in part "A" shall be submitted
to the people forthwith for their approval.

2. The Government of India is hereby requested, after the
people have approved the Resolution contained in part "A"
-
F to take such measures as may be necessary and appropriate
to implement this Resolution as early as possible".
~·
In accordance with the said Resolution, a special opinion poll was
conducted by the Government of Sikkim on April 14, 1975 and in the said
poll, 59, 637 votes were cast in favour and 1496 votes were cast against the
G
Resolution out of a total electorate of approximately 97,000.

In view of the said resolution adopted unanimously by the Sikkim 4'.
Assembly which was affirmed by the people of Sikkim in special opinion.
poll, the Constitution was further amended by the Constitution (Thirty-
H Sixth Amendment) Act, 1975 whereby Sikkim was included as a full-
R.C. POUDYAL v. U.0.1. [AGRAWAL, J.] 995

fledged State in the Union and Article 371-F was inserted whereby special A
provisions with respect to the State of Sikkim were made. By virtue of
v Clause (b) of Article 371-F the Assembly of Sikkim formed as a result of
the elections held in Sikkim in April 1974 was to be deemed to be the
Legislative Assembly of the State. of Sikkim duly constituted under the
Constitution and under Clause ( c) the period of five years for which the
B
Legislative Assembly was to function was to be deemed to have com-
menced on the date of commencement of the Constitution (Thirty-Sixth
Amendment) Act, 1975. Clause (t) of Article 371-F empowers Parliament
~ to make provision for reservation of seats in the Legislative Assembly of
the State of Sikkim for the purpose of protecting the rights and interests
of the different sections of the population of Sikkim. c
- Thereafter Parliament enacted the 1976 Act to provide for the
extension of the 1950 Act and the 1951 Act to the State of Sikkim and
introduced certain special provisions in the 1950 Act and the 1951 Act in·
y· their application to Sikkim. Many of those provisions were transitory in
nature being applicable to the Sikkim Assembly which was deemed to be
D
the Legislative Assembly of the State of Sikkim under the Indian Constitu-
tion. The only provision which is applicable to future Legislatures of Sikkim
is that contained in Section 25-A which reads as under :

"25-A. Conditions of registration as elector in Sangha Con- E
stituency in Sikkim-Notwithstanding anything contained
in sections 15 and 19, for the Sangha Constituency in the

- State of Sikkim, only the Sanghas belonging to monasteries,
recongised for the purpose· of the elections held in Sikkim
in April 1974, for forming the Assembly for Sikkim, shall
F
be entitled to be registered in the electoral roll, and the

-<. said electoral roll shall, subject to the provisions of sections
21 to 25, be prepared or revised in such manner as may be
directed by the Election Commission, in consultation with
the Government of Sikkim".
G
In exercise of the powers conferred on him by Cl. (1) of Article 342
of the Constitution of India, the President of India promulgated the Con-
stitution (Sikkim) Scheduled Tribes Order, 1978 (C.0.11} on June 22, 1978
and it was prescribed that Bhutias >.nd ·Lepchas shall be deemed to be
Scheduled Tribes in relation to the State of Sikkim. H
996 SUPREME COURT REPORTS [1993) 1 S.C.R.

A Since the 1976 Act did not make provision for fresh elections for the
Legislative Assembly of Sikkim and the term of the said Assembly was due T.
to expire; the Representation of the People (Amendment) Bill, 1979 wa>
introduced in Parliament on May 18, 1979 to amend the 1950 Act and the:
1951 Act. While the said Bill was pending before Parliament, Lok Sabha
B was dissolved and the said Bill lapsed.

Thereafter the Legislative Assembly of Sikkim was also dissolved on
August 13, 1979 and fresh elections for the Assembly were to be ·held. The
Representation of the People (Amendment) Ordinance, 1979 (No.7 of
1979) was, therefore, promulgated by the President on September 11, 1979
C whereby certain amendments were introduced in the 1950 Act and the 1951
Act. Elections for the Sikkim Legislative Assembly were held in October,
1979 on the b~is of the amendments introduced by the said Ordinance.
Thereafter, the 1980 Act was enacted to replace the Ordinance. By the
1980 Act, sub-s. (1-A) was inserted in Section 7 of the 1950 Act and it
reads as under :
D
'(1-A). Notwithstanding anything contained in sub-s.(l),
the total number of seats in the Legislative Assembly of the
State of Sikkim, to be constituted at any time after the.
commencement of the Representation of the People
(Amendment) Act, 1980 to be filled by persons chosen by
E
direct election from assembly constituencies shall be thir-
ty-two, of which -

(a) twelve seats shall be reserved for Sikkimese of Bhutia-
Lepcha origin;
F
(b) two seats shall be reserved for the Scheduled castes of
that State; and

(c) one seat shall be reserved for the Sangh as referred to
in Section 25-A.
G
Explanation : In this sub-s. 'Bhutia' includes Chumbipa,
Dopthapa, Dukpa, Kagatey, Sherpa, Tibetan, Tromopa·
and Yolmo'.

Similarly, the following provision was inserted in Section 5-A of the
H 1951 Act:
R.C. POUDYAL v. U.0.1. [AGRAWAL, J.] 997

"(2) Notwithstanding anything contained in Section 5, a A
person shall not be qualified to be chosen to fill a seat in
the Legislative Assembly of the State of Sikkim, to be
constituted at any time after the commencement of the
Representation of the People (Amendment) Act, 1980
unless -
B
(a) in the case of a seat reserved for Sikkimese of Bhutia-
Lepcha origin, he is a person either of Bhutia or Lepcha
origin and is an elector for any assembly constituency in
the State other than the constituency reserved for the
Sanghas; c
(b) in the case of a seat reserved for the Scheduled Castes,
he is a member of any of those castes in the State of Sikkim
and is an elector for any assembly constituency in the State;

(c) in the case of a seat reserved for Sanghas, he is an D
elector of the Sangha constituency; and

(d) in the case of any other seat, he is an elector for any
assembly constituency in the State."

The petitioners in these cases are Sikkimese of Nepali origin and they E
are challenging the validity of Section 25-A introducted in the 1950 Act by
the 1976 Act and sub-section (1-A) of Section 7 of the 1950 Act and sub-s.
(2) of Section 5-A of the 1951 Act which were introduced by the 1980 Act
insofar as they relate to :

(1) Reservation of 12 seats out of 32 seats in the Sikkim F
Legislative Assembly for Sikkimese of Bhutia-Lepcha
origin; and

(2) Reservation of one seat for Sanghas.
I G
The petitioners have not challenged the validity of the Constitution
(Thirty Sixth Amendment) Act, 1975 whereby Artitle 371-F was inserted
in the Constitution.

In Transferred Cases Nos. 78 of 1982 and 84 of 1982, the case of the
petitioners is that Article 371-F should be construed in a manner that it is H
A
998 SUPREME COURT REPORTS [1993] 1 S.C.R.

consistent with the general philosophy of the Constitution particularly
•
democracy and secularism and they have challenged the provisions of the
1976 Act and the 1980 Act providing for reservation of 12 seals in the
Legislative Assembly of Sikkim for Sikkimese of Bhutia and Lepcha origin
and reservatio.n of one seat for Sanghas on the ground that the said.
provisions fall outside the ambit of Article 371-F and are violative of the
B provisions contained in Articles 332, 14 and 15 and 325 of the Constitution.
In the alternative, the case of the petitioners is that if Article 371-F is given
a wider construction, it would be unconstitutional being violative of the y
basic features of the Constitution. The petitioners in Transferred Cases
Nos. 93 and 94 of 1991 have taken a different stand. Instead of challenging
c the reservation of seats for Sikkimese of Bhutia and Lepeha origin as well
as Sanghas, they have relied upon clause (I) of Article 371-F to claim
similar reservation of seals in the Assembly for Sikkimese of Nepali origin.

Before I proceed to deal with contentions urged by the learned
D counsel on behalf of the petitioners in these matters, it is necesary to deal
with the submissions of Shri K. Parasaran appearing for the State of Sikkim
and the learned Attorney General appearing for the Union of India that
the matters in issue being political in nature are not justiciable. lt has been
urged that admission of Sikkim as a Slate of Indian Union constitutes
acquisition of territory by cession in international law and the terms and
E
conditions on which the said cession took place as contained in Article
371-F, are intended to give effect to the tripartite agreement dated May 3,
1973 which was political in nature. It is further urged that under Article 2
of the Constitution, Parliament is empowered by law to admit into Union -
of India and establish new States on such terms and conditions as it thinks
F fit and that Article 371-F prescribing the terms and conditions on which
the Stale of Sikkim was admitted into the Union .of India is a law under
Article 2 of the Constitutions and merely because it was introduced in the
Constitution by the Constitution (Thirty- sixth Amendment) Act enacted
under Article 368 of the Constitution, by way of abundent caution, is of no
G consequence and that it does not alter the true character of the law. The
submission is further that sine~ the terms and conditions on \vhich Sikkin1
was admitted in Union of India, are political in nature, the s~id terms and
conditions cannot be made the subject matter of challenge before this
Court because the law is well settled that couns do not adjudicate upon
H questions which are political in nature.
R.C. POUDYAL v. U.O.l. [AGRAWAL, J.] 999

The political question doctrine has been evolved in the United States A
to deny judicial review in certain fields. The doctrine received a set back
V in the case of Baker v. Carr., [1962] 369 US 186, wherein Brennan, J .,
rejecting the contention that the challenge to legislative apportionment
raises a non-justiciable political question, has observed :

".... The nonjusticiability of a political question is primarily B
a function of the separation of po\vers. Much confusion
results from the capacity of the "political question" label to
obscure the need for case-by-case inquiry. Deciding
whether a matter has in any measure been committed by
the Constitution to another brach of government, or c
- whether the action of that branch exceeds whatever
authority has been committed, is itself a delicate exercise
in constitutional interpretation, and is a responsibility of
this Court as ultimate interpreter of the Constitution".

(pp. 210-211) D

xx xx xx xx
1
Yet it is error to suppose that every case or controversy
' ••••

which touches foreign relations lies beyond judicial con-
E
gnizance. Our cases in this field seen1 invariably to show a
discriminating analysis of the particular question posed, in
terms of the history of its management by the political
branches, of its susceptibility of judicial handling in the light
of its nature and posture in the specific case, and of the
possible consequences of judicial action." F

(pp. 211-212)

xx xx xx

11
••• Prominent on the surface of any case held to involve a G
political question is found a textually demonstrable con-
stitutional commitment of the issue to a coordinate political
department; or a lack of judicially discoverable and
manageable standards for resolving it: or the impo'5ibility
of deciding without an initial policy determination of a kind H
1000 SUPREME COURT REPORTS [1993] 1 S.C.R.

A clearly for nonjudicial discretion; or the impossibility of
deciding without an initial policy determination of a kind
clearly for·nonjudicial discretion; or the impossibility of a
court's undertaking independent resolution without ex-
pression lack of the respect due coordinate branches of
government; or an unusual need for unquestioning ad-
B
herence to a political decision already made; or the poten-
tiality of embarrassment from multifarious pronoun-
cements by various departments on one question. Unless
one of these formulations is inextricable for the case at bar,
there should be no dismissal for non-justiciability on the
c ground of a political question's presence'. {p. 217)

In Powell v. McConnack, 395 US 490, after reiterating the obse1va-
tions of Brennan, J. In Baker v. Carr (Supra),Warren, CJ has stated - II
'In order to determine whether there has been a textual
D commitment to a co-ordinate department of the Govern-
ment, we must interpret the Constitution. In other words,
we must first determine what power the Constitution con-
fers upon the House through Art. I, 5, before we can
determine to what extent, if any, the exercise of that powe1
E is subject to juciicial review....If examination of 5 disclosed
that the Constitution gives the House judicially unreview-
able power to set qualifications for memebership and to
judge whether prospective menibers meet those qualifica-
tions, further review of the House determination might well
be barred by the political question doctrine. On the other
-
F hand, if the Constitution gives the House power to judge
only whether elected members possess the three standing
qualifications set forth in the Constitution, further con-
sideration would be necessary to determine whether any of
the other formulations of the political question doctrine
G are inextricable from the case at bar". (p. 516)

In A.K Roy v. Union of India, [1982] 2 SCR 272, Chandrachud, CJ,
has thus explained the doctrine as applicable in the United States : ·

"The doctrine of the political question was evolved in the
H United States of America on the basis of its Constitution
R.C. POUDYAL v. U.0.1. [AGRAWAL, J.] 1001

which has adopted the system of a rigid separation of A
powers, unlike ours. In fact, that is one of the principal
-.,,.,.. reasons why the U.S. Supreme Court had refused to give
advisory opinions. In Baker v. Carr, Brennan, J. said that
the doctrine of political question was "essentially a function
of the separation of powers". There is also a sharp dif-
ference in the position and powers of the American Presi-
B
dent on one hand and President of India on the other. The
President of the United States exercises executive power
in his own right and is responsible not to the Congress but
' to the people who elect him. In India, the executive power
of the Union is vested in the President of India but he is c
- obliged to exercise it on the aid and advice of his Council
of Ministers. The President's "satisfaction" is therefore
nothing but the satisfaction of his Council of Ministers in
whom the real executive power resides. It must also be
y mentioned that in the United States itself, the doctrine of
D
the political question has come under a cloud and has been
the subject matter of adverse criticism. It is said that all
that the doctrine really means is that in the exercise of the
power of judicial review, the courts must adopt a
'prudential' attitude, which requires that they should be
wary of deciding upon the merit of any issue in which claims E
of principle as to the issue and claims of expediency as to
the power and prestige of courts are in sharp conflict. The

- result, more or less, is that in America the phrase "political
question" has become "a little more than a play of words".
(pp. 296-297)
F
I. In Madhav Rao v. Union of India, (1971] 3 SCR 9, it was contended
,.(_ that in-recognising or de-recognising a person as a Ruler the President
exercises "political power" which is a sovereign power and that the relevant
covenants under which the rights of the Rulers were recognised were
'political agreements'. Rejecting the said contention, Shah, J. (as the G
learned Chief Justice then was) speaking for the majority, observed -

........ "The functions of the Slate arc classified. as legislative,
judicial and executive : the executive function is the residue
which does not fall within the other two functions. Con- H
-y
1002 SUPREME COURT REPORTS [1993] 1 S_C.R.

A stilutional mechanism in a democratic policy does not
contemplate existence of any function which may qua the
citizens be designated as political and orders made in
exercise whereof arc not liable to be rested for their validity
before the lawfully constituted courts" (p.75)

B Similarly, Hedge, J. has stated -

"There is nothing like a political power under our Constitu-
tion in the matter of relationship between the executive and
the citizens. Our Constitution recognises only three powers
c viz. the legislative power, the judicial power and the execu-
tive power. It docs not recognise any other power. (p.169)

In State of Rajasthan v. Union of India, [1978] 1 SCR 1, Bhagwati, J.
as the learned Chief Justice then was, has observed :

D
"It will, therefore, be seen that merely because a question
has a political colour, the Court cannot hold its hands in
despair and declare 'judicial hands off'. So long as a ques-
tion arises whether an authority under the Constitution has
acted within the limits of its power or exceeded it, it can
E certainly be decided by the court. Indeed, it would be its
constitutional obligation to do so." (p.80)

Relying upon these observations and after taking note of the
decisions in Baker v. Carr (supra) and Powell v. McComwck (supra),
F Vcnkataramiah, J., as the learned Chief Justice then was, in S.P. Gupta v.
Union of India, 11982) 2 SCR 365 has laid down :
)--
"In our country \vhich is governed by a written Constitution
also many questions which appear to have a purely political
colour arc bound to assume the character of judicial ques-
G tions. In the State of Rajasthan & Ors. etc. etc. _v. Union of
India etc. etc., (supra) the Government's claim that the
validity of the decision of the President under Article
356(1) of the Constitution hcing political in character was
not justiciable on that sole ground was rcjected~_by this
H Court." (p. 1248)
R.C. POUDYALv. U.0.1. [AGRAWAL,J.] 1003

The same view has been reiterated by Verma, J. speaking for the A
majority in Mrs. Sarojini Rama~wami v. Union of India & Ors., Writ Petition
,..,.,, (Civil) No. 514 of 1992 decided on August 27, 1992.

Sikkim was not admitted in the Indian Union on the basis of any
treaty or agreement between the Chogyal of Sikkim and the Government
B
of India. It was so admitted in pursuance of the unanimous resolution that
was passed by the Assembly of Sikkim on April 10, 1975, after the said
resolution had been approved by majority of the people of Sikkim at the
:>(' special opinion poll conducted on April 14, 1975. The said resolution does
not contain any terms and conditions on which the people of Sikkim wanted
to join the Indian Union except sta,ting that "Sikkim shall henceforth be a c
- Constituent unit of India enjoying a democratic and fully responsible
Government". The Tripartite Agreement of May 8, 1973 was also not an
agreement containing terms and conditions for admission of Sikkim in the
Indian Union. It contains the framework for "establishment of a fully
y responsible Government in Sikkim with a more democratic Constitution". D
This agreement was implemented by the enactment of the Government of
Sikkim Act, 1974. It cannot, therefore, be said that Article 371- F contains
a political element in the sense that it seeks to give effect to a political
agreement relating to admission of Sikkim into the Indian Union.
E
It is, however, urged that a law made under Article containing the
1' terms and conditions on which a new State is admitted in the Indian Union

-- is, by its very nature, political involving matters of policy and, therefore,
the terms and conditions contained in such law are not justiciable. In this
context, emphasis is laid on the words 11 on such terms and conditions as it
thinks fit" in Article 2 and it is contended that Parliament has complete
freedom to lay down the terms and conditi1,ns for admission of a new State
F

-z in the Indian Union and such terms and conditions are outside the scope
of judicial review. I find it difficult to subscribe to this proposition. It is no
doubt true that in the matter of admission of a new Stale in the Indian
Union, Article 2 gives considerable freegom lo Parliament to prescribe the G
terms and conditions on which the new State is being admitted in the
Indian Union. But at the same time, It cannot be said that the said freedom
'•.
),.. is without any constitutional limitation. In may view the power conferred
on Parliament under Article 2 is circumscribed by the overall constitutional
scheme aud Parliament, \vhile prescribing the terms and conditions on H
'"1
1004 SUPREME COURT REPORTS [1993] I S.C.R.

A which a new State is admitted in the Indian Union, has to act within the
said scheme. Parliament cannot admit a new State into the Indian Union
on terms and conditions which derogate from the basic features of the y
Constitution. It cannot make a law permitting the said State to continue as
a monarchy because it would be in derogation to the republican form of
B Government established under the Constitution. Similarly it would not be
permissible for Parliament to prescribe that the new State would continue
to have an autocratic form of administration when the Constitution en-
visages a democratic form of Government in all the States. So also it would
not be open to Parliament to provide that the new State would continue to
y
be a theocratic State in disregard of the secular set up prevailing in other
c States. To hold otherwise would mean that it would be permissible for
Parliament to admit to the Union new States on terms and conditions
enabling those States to be governed under systems which are inconsistent
-
with the scheme of the Constitution and thereby alter the basic feature of
the Constitution. It would lead to the anomalous result that by an ordinary
D !?.w enacted by Parliament under Article 2 it would be possible to bring -.,.,
about a change which cannot be made even by exercise of the constituent
power to amend the Constitution, viz., to alter any of the basic features of
the Constitution. The words "as it thinks fit" in Article 2 of the Constitution •
cannot, therefore, be construed as empowering Parliment to provide terms
E and conditions for admission of a new State which are inconsistent with
the basic features of 1he Consritution. The said words can only mean that
within the framework of the Conslitution, it is permissible for Parliamenl
r

F
to prescribe terms and conditions ·on which a new State is admitted in the
Union.

With regard to the power conferred on Parliament under Articles 2
-
and 3 of the Constitution, this Court in Mangat Singh v. Union of India,
[1967] 2 SCR 109, has laid down - -/}..
' .... Power with which the Parliament is invested by Arts. 2
G and 3, is power to admit, establish, or form new Stales
which conform to the democratic pattern envisaged by the
Constitution; and the power which the Parliament may
exercise by law is supplemental, incidental or consequential ~
to the admission, establishment pr formation of a State as
i-1 contt:n1platcd by the t:onstitulion, and is not po\ver to
R.C. POUDYALv. U.0.1. [AGRAWAL, J.] 1005

override the constitutional scheme". P.112 A
In this context, it may also be mentioned that Article 2 of the
Constitution is modelled on Section 121 of the Commonwealth of Australia
Constitution Act which provides :

"S. 121 The Parliament may admit to the Commonwealth
B
or establish new States, and may upon such admission or
establishment make or impose such terms and conditions,
including the extent of representation in either House of
Parliament, as it thinks fit."
c
- This provision has not yet been used and there has been no occasion
for the Courts to construe this provision. A learned Commentator on the
Australian Constitution has, however, expressed the view that under Sec-
tion 121 "no terms and conditions could be imposed which are inconsistent
Y with the provisions of the Constitution, e.g., nothing could be done to D
prevent the Judicature chapter of the Constitution from applying to the
new State' (R.D. Lumb : The Constitution of the Commonwealth of
Australia (1986) 4th Ed. p. 736)

I am, therefore, of the view that while admitting a new State in the EI
'TUnion, Parliament, while making a law under Article 2, cannot provide for
terms and conditions which are inconsistent with the scheme of the Con-

-- stitution and it is open to the Court to examine whether the terms and
conditions as provided in the law enacted by Parliament under Article 2
are consistent with the constitutional scheme or not. This would mean that
power conferred on Parliament under Article 2 is not wider in ambit than
,.,i. the amending power under Article 368 and it would be of little practical
'-significance to treat Article 371-F as a law made under Article 2 of the
Constitution or introduced by way of amendment under Article 368. In
either event, it will be subject to the limitation that it cannot alter any of
the basic features of the Constitution. The scope of the power conferred G
by Article 371-F, is therefore, subject to judicial review. So also i:; the law
, that is enacted to give effect to the provisions contained in Article 371-F.
..>..
"The contention, raised by Shri Parasaran as well as the learned Attorney
General, that such an examination is outside the scope of judicial review,
cannot, therefore be accepted. H
(/
1006 SUPREME COURT REPORTS [1993] 1 S.C.R.

A Shri Parasaran and the learned Attorney General have laid emphasis
on the use of the expression "notwithstanding an)1hing in this Constitution"
which precedes clauses (a) to (p) of Article 371-F. The submission is that -y
as a result of the said non-obstante clause in Article 371-F, it is permissible
for parliament to enact a law in derogation of the other provisions of the
Constitution while giving effect to clauses (a) to (p) of Article 371-F and
B
the said law would not be open to challenge on the ground that it is
violative of any of the other pro,,sions of the Constitution. There is no
doubt that the non-obstante clause in a statute gives overriding effect to the
y
provisions covered by the non-obs/ante clause over the other pro'"sions in
the statute to which it applies and in that sense, the 11011-obrtante clause
c used in Article 371-F would give overriding effect to clauses (a) to (p) of
Article 371-F over other provisions of the Constitution. But at the same
time, it cannot be ignored that the scope of the non-obstante clause in
-
Article, 371-F cannot extend beyond the scope of the legislative power of
Parliament under Article 2 or the amending power under Article 368. As
D pointed out earlier, the legislative power under Article 2 dues not enable ~
Parliament to make a law providing for terms and conditions which are
inconsistent with the Constitutional scheme and in that sense, the said

E
power is not very different from the amending power under Article 368,
which does not extend to altering any of the basic features of the Constitu-
tion. The non-obstante clause in Article 371-F, has therefore, to" be so
construed as to conform to the aforesaid limitations or othef\'"se Article r
-
371-F would be rendered unconstitutional. A construction which leads to
such a consequence has to be eschewed. This means that as a result of the
non-obstantc clause in Article 371-F, clauses (a) to (p) of the said Article
have to be construed to permit a departure from other provisions of the
---
F
Constitution in respect of the matters covered by clauses (a) to (p)
provided the said departure is not of such a magnitude as to have the effect
, ....
of altering any of the basic features of the Constitution. In order to avail
the protection of Arlicle 371-F, it is necessary that the law should not
tran'!lcc'd the abovementioned limitation on the scope of the 11011-obstallte
, G clause.
..
--~,'<f;~
...<,
This takes me to the question whether the impugned provisions
contained in the 1976 Act and the 1980 Act make such a departure from
H Lhe provisions of the Constitution as to render them inconsistent with the
..,•
I
'y-
I

R.C. POUDYAL v. U.0.1. [AGRAWAL, J.] 1007

Constitutional scheme and have the effect of altering any of the basic A
y features of the Constitution. As indicated earlier the challenge to the
impugned provisions relates to two matters, viz., (i) reservation of twelve
seats for Sikkimese of Bhutia-Lepcha origin; and (ii) reservation of one
seat for Sanghas.

With regard to the reservation of twelve seats for Sikkimese of Bhutia B
and Lepcha origin under sub-s.(1-A) inserted in Section 7 of the 1950 Act
x by Act No. 8of1980, Shri R.K Jain, the learned Senior counsel, appearing
as amicus curiae for the petitioner in T.C. No. 78 of 1982, has advanced a
two-fold argument. In the first place, he has urged that the reservation of
c
- seats for Sikkimese of Bhutia-Lepcha origin without making a correspor,d-
ing reservation for Sikkimese of Nepali origin is violative of the right to
equality guaranteed under Article 14 of the Constitution. The other con-
tention turns on the extent of such reservation. Shri Jain has submitted that
y Bhutias and Lepchas have been declared as Scheduled Tribes under the
Constitution (Sikkim) Scheduled Tribes Order, 1978 dated June 22, 1978 D
and reservation of seats for Scheduled Tribes in the Legislative Assembly
of a State is governed by Article 332 of the Constitution. Shri Jain has
'' referred to Cl. (3) of Article 332 which prescribes that the number of seats
reserved for the Schedueled Castes or the Scheduled Tribes in the Legis-
lative Assembly of any State under Cl. (1) shall bear, as nearly as may be,
T the same proportion to the total number of seats in the Assembly as the E
population of the Scheduled Castes in the State or of the Scheduled Tribes

-- in the State. Shri Jain has pointed out that according to the 1971 census,
the total population was about 2,09,843 out of which Bhutias and Lepchas
were around 51,600 and according to 1981 census, the total population was
around 3,16,385 out of which Bhutias and Lepchas were around 73,623 . F
..{___ The submission of Shri Jain is that keeping in view the fact that Bhutias
and Lepchas constitute about 25% of the total population, reservation of
twelve out of thirty-two seats in the Legislative Assembly for Bhutias and
Lepchas, which constitute 38% of the total number of seats in the Assemb-
ly, is far in excess of the ratio of the population of Bhutias and Lepchas to G
the total population of Sikkim and, therefore, the aforesaid reservation of
;.. twelve scats for Bhutias and Lcpchas is violative of Clause (3) of Article
332 of the Constitution. Shri Jain has contended that the said provision for
reservation is destructive of Democracy which is a basic feature of the
H
1008 SUPREME COURT REPORTS [1993] 1 S.C.R.

A Constitution. In support of the aforesaid submission, Shri Jain has placed
reliance on the decision of the U.S. Supreme Court in Reynolds v. Sims, y
[1964] 377 us 533.

In my view, both these contentions of Shri Jain cannot be accepted.
The reservation of seats for Bhutias and Lepchas is necessary because they
B
constitute a minority and in the absence of reservation they may not have
any representation in the Legislative Assembly. Sikkimese of Nepali origin
constitute the majority in Sikkim and on their ·awn electoral strength they X
can secure representation in the Legislative Assembly against the un-
reserved seats. Moreover, Sikkimses of Bhutia ahd Lepcha origin have a
c distinct culture and tradition which is different from that of Sikkimese of
Nepali origin. Keeping this distinction in mind Bhutias and Lepchas have
been declared as Scheduled Tribes under Article 342 of the Constitution.
-
The said declaration has not been questioned before us. The Constitution
in Article 332 makes express provision for reservation '?f seats in they
D Legislative Assembly of a State for Scheduled Tribes. Such a reservation
which is expressly permitted by the Constitution cannot be challenged on
the ground of denial of right to equality guaranteed under Article 14 of the
Constitution.

E The second contention relating to the extent of the reservation of
seats for Bhutias and Lepchas is based on the provisions of Article 332 (3) T
of the Constitution. Clause (3) of Article 332 postulates that the number
of seats reserved for Scheduled Castes or Scheduled Tribes in the Legis-
lative Assembly of rhe State shall bear, as nearly as may be, the same
proportion to the total number of seats in the Assembly as the population
-
F
of the Sched•1led Castes or the Scheduled Tribes in the State bears to the
total population of the State. The said provision has, however, to be )-
considered in the light of Clause (f) of Article 371-F which provides - ·

"(f) Parliament may, for the purpose of protecting the rights
G and interests of the different sections of the population of
Sikkim make provision for the number of seats in the
Legislative Assembly of the State of Sikkim whcih may be
filled by candidates belonging to such sections and for the
delimitation of the assembly constituencies from which
H candidates belonging to such sections alone may stand for
'r-
R.C. POUDYAL v. U.O.l. [AGRAWAL, J.] 1009

eleciion to the Legislative of the State of Sikkim." A
y
This provision empowers Parliament to make provision prescribing
the number of seats in the Legislative Assembly in the State of Sikkim
which may be filled in by candidates belonging to the different sections of
the population of Sikkim with a view to protect the rights and interests of
those sections. The non-obstante clause in Article 371-F enables Parliament B
to make a departure from the ratio contemplated by Articly 332 (3) within
X. the limitation which is inherent in the power conferred by Article 371-F,
i.e., not to alter any of the basic (eatures of the Constitution. It is, therefore,
necessary to examine whether in providing for reservation of twelve seats
_,__ out of thirty-two seats for Bhutias and Lepchas Parliament has acted in c
disregard of the said limitation. While examining this question, it has to be
borne in mind that Lepchas are the indigenous inhabitants of Sikkim and
Bhutias migrated to Sikkim long back in fifteenth and sixteenth centuries
y and they follow the same faith (Budhism). They have a culture which is
distinct from that of Nepalese ahd others who migrated to Sikkim much D
later. Since the proportion of Nepalese in the population. of Sikkim was
much higher than that of Bhutias and Lepchas, it became necessary to
provide for reservation of seats for Bhutias and Lepchas in the State
' Council of Sikkim when representative element through elected members
was introduced in the administration of Sikkim in 1952. Ever since then,
~f E
till Sikkim was admitted as a new State in the Indian Union, there was
reservation of seats for Bhutias and Lepchas in the Sikkim Council which

- later became the Sikkim Assembly. Since the Ruler of Sikkim was of Bhutia
origin following the Budhist faith, there was reservation of seats in the
Sikkim Council and Sikkim Assembly for Sikkimese of Nepali origin on the
same lines as Bhutias and Lepchas an<l in such reservations a parity was F
..J..._ maintained between the seats reserved for Sikkimese of Bhutia-Lepcha
origin on the one hand and Sikkimese of Nepali origin on the other. On
the date when Sikkim was admitted in the Indian Union, Sikkim Assembly
was consisting of thirty-two elected members out of which sixteen seats
(including one Sangha seat) were reserved for Sikkimese of Bhutia-Lepcha G
origin and sixteen scats (including one seat for Scheduled Castes) were
;.. reserved for Sikkimese of Nepali origin. This parity in the reservation of
seats in the Sikkim Council and Sikkim Assembly between Sikkimese of
Bhutia and Lepcha origin and Sikkimese of Nepali origin was with a view
H
1010 SUPREME COURT REPORTS (1993] 1 S.C.R.

A to ensure that neither of two sections of the population of Sikkim acquires
a dominating position due mainly to their _ethnic origin. This was expressly
provided in para 5 of the Tripartite Agreement of May 8, 1973 and Section
7(2) of the Government of Sikkim Act, 1974. Clause (t) of Article 371-F
seeks to preserve the said protection which was envisaged by Clause (5) of
B the Tripartite Agreement because it also provides for protecting the rights
and interests of the different sections of population of Sikkim. The im-
pugned provision contained in clause (a) of sub-section (1-A) of s.7 of the
1950 Act by providing for reservation of twelve seats for Sikkimese of X
Bhutia-Lepcha origin seeks to give this protection in a more limited
manner by reducing the ratio of the seats reserved for Sikkimese of Bhutia
c and Lepcha origin from 50% prevalent in the Assembly in the former State
of Sikkim to about 38% in the Assembly for the State of Sikkim as
constituted under the Constitution of India. It would thus appear that by
providing for reservation to the extent of 38% of seats in the Legislative
Assembly for Sikkimese of Bhutia-Lepcha origin Parliament has sought to -'(
D strike a balance between protection to the extent of 50% that was available
to them in the former State of Sikkim and the protection envisaged under
Article 332(3) of the Constitution which would have entitled them to
reservation to the extent of 25% seals in accordance with the proportion
of their population to the total population of Sikkim. It is argued that this
E departure from the provisions of Article 332(3) derogates from the prin- y
ciple of one man, one vote enshrined in the Constitution and is destructive
of Democracy which is a basic feature of the Constitution. This argument
proceeds on the assumption that for preservation of Democracy, the prin-
ciple of one man, one vole is inviolable and it fails to take note of the
-
11oll-obstante clause in Article 371-F which when read with clause (t) of
F
Article 371-F envisage that Parliament may, while protecting the rights and
interests of the different sections of the population of Sikkim (which would ,~
include Sikkimese of Bhutia-Lepcha origin), deviate from the provisions of
the Constitution, including Article 332.

G The principle of one man, one vote envisages that there should be
parity in the value of votes of electors. Such a parity though ideal for a
representative democracy is difficult to achieve. There is some departure "
in every system following this democratic path. In the matter of delimitation
H of constituencies, it often happens that the population of one constituency
R.C. POUDYAL v. U.0.1. [AGRAWAL, J.] 1011

differs from that of the other constituency and as a result although both A
y the constituencies elect one member, the value of the vote of the elector
in the constituency having lesser population is more than the value of the
vote of the elector of the constituency having a larger population. Take the
instance of Great Britain. There a statutory allocation of seats between
England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland whereunder Scotland is to B
have not less than 71 seats; Wales not less than 35 and Northern Ireland
17. It has been found that Scotland is over represented to the extent of 14
seats and Wales to the extent of 5 seats and England is under-represented
to the extent of 14 seats. The justification that has been offered for these
ineqalities is that constituencies in sparsely populated areas such as the
• Highlands would otherwise be inconveniently large geographically. Prof.
c
Wade has questioned this justification (H.W.P. Wade : Constitutional
Fundamentals, The Hamlyn Lectures, 32nd series, 1980, p.5). He has
pointed out that within the constituent counties of the United Kingdom,
)r there are great inequalities in the size of individual constituencies and that
the smallest constituency contains only 25,000 voters and the largest 96,000, D
nearly four times as many. He has referred to the Report of the Blake
Commission on Electoral Reforms (1976) wherein it is recommended that'
the discrepancy should never exceed two to one, and has observed - "this
is surely the maximum which should be regarded as tolerable" (p.7).
Criticising the existing state of affairs, Prof. Wade has said - E
'f
"The British Parliament, addicted though it is to the pursuit
·- of equality in so many other ways, does not seem interested
in equality of representation between voters any more than
between the different parts of the United Kingdom. Since
1948 it has insisted rigidly on the principle of one man, one F
..(__ vote. When will it accept the correlative principle one vote,
one value?" (p.8)

The matter of apportionment of seats in the State Legislatures has
come up for consideration before U.S. Supreme Court in a number of G
cases. In Reynolds v: Sims (supra), the Court, while examining the said
matter on the touch-stone of the equal protection clause, has held that the
equal protection clause requires that the seals in both houses of a
bicameral State Legislature be apportioned on a population basis and that
such deviations from the equal population principle are constitutionally H
1012 SUPREME COURT REPORTS [1993] I S.C.R.

A permissible so long as such deviations are based on legitimate considera-
tions incident to the effecuation of a rational state policy. Chief Justice y
Warren, expressing the views of six members of the Court, .has observed -

".......We realize that it is a practical impossibility tq arrange
legislative districts so that each one has an identical number
B of residents, or citizens, or voters. Mathematical exactness
or precision is hardly a workable constitutional require-
ment." (p.577)

xx xx xx
c ".....So long as the divergences from a strict population
standard are based on legitimate considerations incident
to the effectuation of a rational state policy, some devia-
tions from the equal-population principle are constitution-
ally permissible with respect to the apportionment of seats
D in either or both of the two houses of a bicameral state
legislature". (p.579)

Variance to the extent of 16% has been upheld by the Court. (Se":
Mahan v. Howell, 410 US 315.

E The High Court of Australia, in Attorney General (CTH) Ex. Rel.
Mckinlay v.. The Commonwealth, [1975] 135 CLR I has considered the issue
in the context of Section 24 of the Australian Constitution which provides
that "the House of Representatives shall be composed of members directly
chosen by the people of the Commonwealth". It was argued that the words
F "chosen by the people of Commonwealth" required each electoral division
within a State so far as practicable to contain the same number of people
or, alterantively, the same number of electors. The said contention was >
rejected and it was held (by Majority of six to one) that Section 24 of the
Constitution did not require the number of people or the number of
G electors in electoral divisions to be equal. The decisions of the U.S.
Supreme Court on apportionment were held to be inapplicable in the
context of the Australian Constitution. Barwick C.J., has observed :

"It is, therefore, my opinion that the second paragraph of
s.24 cannot be read as containing any guarantee that there
J-1 sh.all be a precise mathematical relationship between the
R.C. POUDYAL v. U.0.1. [AGRAWAL, J.] 1013

numbers of members chosen in a State and the population A
of that State or that every person in the Australia or that
every elec~orin Australia will have a vote, or an equal vote.'
(p.22)

Similarly, Mason, J., as the learned Chief Justice then was, has stated:
B
"The substance of the matter is that the conception of
equality in the value of a vote or equality as between
electoral divisions is a comparatively modern development
for which no stipulation was made in the system of
democratic representative government provided for by our c
Constitution." (p.62)

In this regard, the scheme of our Constitution is that under Article 327
Parliament is empowered to make a law relating to delimitation of con-
stituencies and under Article 329 (a) the validity of such a law or the D
allotment of seats to such constituencies cannot be called in qucstion_i_n
any court. In exercise of the power conferred on it under Article 327
Parliament has enacted the Delimitation Act, 1962 .which provides for
constitution of a Delimitation Commission to readjust on the basis of the
latest census figures the allocation of seats in the House of the People to
the several States, the total number of seats in the Legislative Assembly of E
each State and the division of each State into territorial constituencies for
the purpose of elections to the House of People and to the State Legislative
Assembly. In Section 9(1) of the said Act it is prescribed that the Commis-
sion shall delimit the constituencies on the basis of the latest census figures
but shall have regard to considerations referred to in_ clauses («) to (d). F
Clause (a) requires that all constituencies shall, as far as practicable, be
geographically compact areas, and in delimiting them regard shall be had
to physical features, existing boundaries or'administrative units, facility of
communication and public convenience. Clause (b) requires that every
assembly constituency shall be so delimited as to fall wholly within on
parliamentary constituency. Clauses (e) and (d) relate to location of con- G
stituer.:ies in which seats are reserved for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
Tribes. This shows that population, though important, is only one of the
factors that has to be taken into account while delimiting constituencies
which means that there need not be uniformity of population and electoral
strength in the matter of delimitation of constituencies. In other words, H
1014 SUPREME COURT REPORTS (1993] 1 S.C.R.

A there is no insistence on strict adherence to equality of votes or to the
principle one vote-one value. 1'

In clause (3) of Article 332, the words "as nearly as may be" has been
used. These words indicate that even in the matter of reservation of seats
for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes it would be permissible to have
B
deviation to some extent from the requirement that number of seats
reserved for Secheduled Castes or the Scheduled Tribes in the Legislative
Assembly of any State shall bear the same proportion to the total number
of seats as the population of the Scheduled Castes or the Scheduled Tribes
in the State in respect of which seats are so reserved, bears to the total
C population of the State. The non-obstante clause in Article 371-F read with
clause {f) of the said Article enlarges the filled of deviation in the matter
of reservation of seats from the proportion laid down in Article 332(3). The
only limitation on such deviation is that it must not be to such an extent as
to result in tilting the balance in favour of the Scheduled Castes or the
D Scheduled Tribes Tribes for whom the seats are reserved and thereby
convert a minority in majority. This would adversely affect the democratic
functioning of the legislature in the State which is the core of repre-
sentative Democracy. Clause (a) of sub-s. (1-A) of s.7 of the 1950 Act
provides for reservation of twelve seats in an Assembly having thirty-two
E seats, i.e., to the extent of about 38% seats for Sikkimese of Bhutia-Lepcha
origin. The said provision does not, therefore, transgress the limits of the
power conferred on Parliament under Article 371-F(f) and it cannot be
said that it suffers from the vice of unconstitutionality.

The other challenge is to the reservation of one seat for Sanghas.
F With regard to this seat, it may be mentioned that Section 25-A of the 1950
Act makes provision for an electoral roll for the Sangha constituency ')...
~

wherein only the Sanghas belonging to monasteries recognised for the
purpose of elections held in Sikkim, in Aprii 1974 for forming the Assembly
for Sikkim, are entitled to be registered. Clause (c) of sub- s.(2) of s. 5-A
G of the 1951 Act prescribes that a person shall not be qualified to be chosen
to fill a seat in the Legislative Assembly of Sikkim to be constituted at any
time after the commencement of the 1980 Act unless, in the case of the
seat reserved for Sanghas. he is an elector of the Sangha constituency. The
aforesaid prmisions indicate that for the one seat in the Legislative As-
H semblv of Sikkim which is rcscn·ed for Sanghas. a separate electoral roll
R.C. POUDYAL v. U.0.l. [AGRAWAL, J.] 1015

has to be prepared under Section 25-A of the 1950 Act and only the A
Sanghas belonging to monasteries recognised for the purpose of elections
Y held in April 1984 for forming the Assembly for Sikkim are entitled to be
registered in the said electoral roll and, in view of Section 5-A(2)(c), no
person other than an elector for the Sangha constituency is qualified to be
chosen to fill the said reserved scat for Sanghas. B

To assail the validity of these provisions Shri Jain has urged that the
)(
provision in s.7(1-A)(c) of the 1950 Act is violative of the right guaranteed
under Article 15(1) of the Constitution inasmuch as by reserving one seat
for Sanghas (Budhist Lamas), the State has discriminated against a person
c
- who is not a Budhist on the ground only ofreligion. Shri Jain has also urged
the provisions contained in S.25-A of the 1950 Act and S.5-A(2)(c) of the
1951 Act are violative of Article 325 of the Constitution inasmuch as these
provisions provide for election to the seat reserved for Sanghas on the basis
of a separate electoral roll in which Sanghas alone are entitled to be
)r D
registered and exclude others from being registered as electors on that
electoral roll on the ground only of religion. The submission of Shri Jain
is that these provisions arc inconsistent with the concept of secularism
which is a basic feature of the Constitution.

E
The reservation of one seat for Sanghas and election to the same
'T" through a separate electoral roll of Sanghas only has been justified by Shri
Parasaran on the basis of historical reasons. He has argued that the Sangha
==- has played a vital role in the life of community since the earliest known
history of Sikkim and have also played a major part in deciding important
issues in the affairs of the State. It has been pointed out that Lhade-Medi, F
a body consisting of the Lamas and laity, has contributed towards cultural,
c --'... social and political development of the poeple of Sikkim and that the
Sangha seal was introduced in order of provide for the representation of
a section which was responsible for the presevation of the basic culture of
the Sikkimese Bhutias and Lepchas including some sections of the Nepali G
community of Sikkim who are Budhists. It has been submitted that their
interests are synonymous ·with the interests of the minority communities of
Sikkim and that as such a seat for the Sangha has always been nominated
and later reserved in the Sikkim State Council and the State Assembly
respectively. H
~
I

1016 SUPREME COURT REPORTS [1993] l S.C.R.

A Clause (1) of Article 15 prohibits discrimination by the State against
any citizen on the ground only of religion, race, caste, sex or any of them.
Clause (3), however, permits the State to make special provision for women
and children. Similarly, Clause (4) permits the State to make special
provision for the advancement of any socially and educationally backward
classes of citizens or for the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes.
B
Clauses (3) and (4) do not, however, permit making of special provisions
in derogation of the prohibition against discrimination on the ground of
religion. This Court has laid down that this constitutional mandate to the
¥..
Stale contained in Article 15(1) extends to political as well as to other
rights and any law providing for elections on the basis of separate elec-
c torates for member. of different religious communities offends against this
clause. (See Nain Suklt Das a11d Anr. v. Tlte State of Uttar Pradesh and
Others, [1953] SCR 1184).
-
D Similarly Article 325 requires that there shall be one general electoral
roll for every constituency for election to either House of Parliament or to
the house of either House of Legislature of a State and precludes a person
being rendered ineligible for inclusion in any such roll or lo be included in
any special electoral roll for any such constituency on the grounds only of
religion, race, caste, sex or any of them. The provisions which permit
E
election on the basis of separate electorates are, those contained in Clauses
(a), (b) and (c) of Clause (3) of Article 171 relating to Legislative Council
of a State. The said provisions provide for separate electorates of members
of municipalities, district boards and local authorities Cl. (a), graduates of
universities Cl. (b), and teachers Cl. (c). They do not provide for prepara-
-
F tion of separate electoral rolls on the ground of religion. The question for
consideration is whether the impugned provisions providing for reservation
).._
of one seat fm Sanghas, preparation of a special electoral roll for the
Sangha constituency in which Sanghas alone can be registered as electors
and a person who is an elector in the said electoral roll alone being eligible
G to contest for the Sangha seat, can be held to be violative of the provisions
of Articles 15(1) and 325 on the ground that in relation to one seat reserved
for Sanghas in the Legislative Assembly of the State of Sikkim a person
whu is a non-Budhist is being discriminated on the ground of religion only
and similarly in the preparation of the special electoral roll for Sangha
H constituency a person who is a non-Budhist is rendered ineligible for
R.C. P.OUDYAL v. .U.0.1. [AGRAWAL, J.] 1017

inclusion in the said electoral roll on the ground only of religion. For this A
purpose it is necessary to construe the words "on grounds only of religion ... "
.
"( in Articles 15(1) and 325. In this context, it may be pointed out that
sub-s.(1) of s.298 of the Government of India Act, 1935 contained the
words "on grounds only of religion, place of birth, discent, colour, .... ". In
Punjab Province v. Dau/at Singh and Ors., (1946) FCR _1 the provisions of B
s. 13-A of the Punjab Alienation of Land Act, 1900 were challanged as
contravening sub- s.(l) of s. 298 of the Government of India Act, 1935. In
the Federal Court, Beaumont J., in his dissenting judgment, has taken view
'>·
, . that in applying the terms of sub-s. (1) of Section 298, it was necessary for
the Court to consider the scope and object of the Act which was impugned
so as to determine the ground on which such Act is based. This test was
c
- not accepted by· the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council. Lord
Thankerton, delivering the opinion of the Judicial Committee has ob-
served:-

'>-- "Their Lordship are unable to accept this as the correct D
test. In their views, it is not a question of whether the
impugned Act is based only on one or more of the grounds
specified in S. 298, sub-S. 1, but whether its operation may
result in a prohibition only on these grounds. The proper
test as to whether there is a contravention of the sub-section
E
is to ascertain the reaction of the impugned Act on the
'r personal right conferred by the sub-section, and, while the

--
scope and object of the Act may be of assistance in deter-
mining the effect of the operation of the Act on a proper
construction of its provisions, if the effect of the Act so
determined involves an infringement of each personal F
right, object of the however laudable, will not obviate the
--'..__ prohibition of sub-s.1". (p.18)

In State of Bombay v. Bombay Education Society and Others, [1955]
1 SCR 568, this Court, in the context of Article 29(2) wherein also the G

- ,..'>-
expression "on grounds only of religion, .... " has been used, has accepted
the test laid down by the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in Punjab
Province v. Daulat Singh and Others (supra).

I may, in this context, also refer to the decision of this Court in The H
~

1018 SUPREME COURT REPORTS [1993] 1 S.C.R.

A State of Madras v. Srimatlti Champakam Dorairajan, [1951] SCR 525,
wherein, the question was whether there was denial of admission to
Srinivasan, one of the petitioners, on the ground only of caste. It was found y
that the. denial of admission to the said petitioner, who was a Brahmin and
had secured higher marks than the Anglo-Indian and Indian Christians but
could not get any of the seats reserved for the said communities for no
B ;
fault of his except that he was a Brahmin and not a member of the s'lid
communities, could not but be regarded as made on ground only of his
caste. (p.532)
x
T!/e validity of the impugned provisions has, therefore, to be con-
c sidered by applying the aforesaid test of effect of operation of the said ...
provisions.

It is not disputed that Sangha, (Budhist order' or congregation of
-
monks) has an important place in Budllism. Sangha together1with the
Buddha and Dharma (sacred law) constituted the three Jewels which were
D
the highest objects of worship among the Buddhists and a monk at the time -< i=
of his ordination had to declare solemnly that he had taken refuge in
jll
Buddha, Dharma and Sangha. [B.K. Mukherjea on 'The Hindu Law of
Religious and Charitable Tursts', Tagore Law Lectures : Fifth Ed. (1983),
p.18]. In Sikkim, Lamaistic Buddhism was the official religion and Sanghas
E (Bhudhist Lamas) staying in the Budhist monasteries played an important
role in the adminstration. Since only a Budhist can be a Sangha, the effect y
of the reservation of a seat for Sanghas and the provision for special

F
electoral roll for the Sangha constituency wherein only Sanghas are entitled
to be registered as electors, is that a person who is not a Budhist cannot
contest the said reserved seat and he is being discriminated on the ground
only of religion. Similarly a person who is not a Budhist is rendered
--
ineligible to be included in the electoral roll for Sangha constituency on
the ground only of religion. >-
The historical considerations to which reference has been made· by
G Shri Parasaran do not, in my view, justify this discrimination of non-Bud-
hists because the said consider alions which had significance at the time
when Sikkim was governed by the Chogyal who professed Lamaistic Bud-
...
hism and ran the administration of Sikkim in accordance .with the tenets ..i...
of his religion, can no longer have a bearing on the set up of the functioning
H of the State after its admission into the Indian Union. In this regard, it may
R.C. POUDYAL v. U.O.l. [AGRAWAL, J.) 1019

be pointed out that the reason for the reservation of one seat for Sanghas, A
..,.-~:;:ho~~, i~ ~~, r:ia:~:~~;~,: :~at was appended to the Proclamation of
9
"(a) It has long been felt that, as the Monasteries and The
Sangha have constituted such a vital and important role in
the life of the community since the earliest known history B
1)f Sikkim, and have played a major part in the taking of
decisions in the Councils of the past, there should be a seat
specifically reserved for The Sangha in the Sikkim Council.
It is for this reason that a seat has been provided specifically
for their representation". c
- This shows that the reservation of one seat for Sanghas in Sikkim
Council and subsequently in the Sikkim Assembly was in the context of the
administrative set up in Sikkim at the time wherein Sanghas were playing
'>" major part in the taking of decisions in the Council. The said reason does D
not survive after the admission of Sikkkim as a new State in the Indian
Union. The continuation of a practice which prevailed in Sikkim from 1958
to 1976 with regard to reservation of one seat for Sanghas and the election
to the said seat on the basis of a special electoral college composed of
Sanghas alone cannot, therefore, be justified on the basis of historical
.considerations and the impugned provisions arc violative of the Con- E
"( stituional mandate contained in Article 15 (1) and Article 325 of the
Constitution.

- The next question which arises for consideration is whether the
departure as made by the impugned provisions from the provisions of
Articles 15(1) and 325 of the Constitution is permitted by Article 371-F of F
~the Constitution. It has already been pointed out that Article 371-F,
whether it is treated as having been inserted in the Constitution by way of
an amendment under A•ticle 368 or by way of terms' and conditions on
which Sikkim was admitted into the Indian Union under Article 2, does
not permit alteration of any of the basic features of the Constitution. G
Although the expression 'Secular' did not find a place in the Constitution
> prior to its insertion in the Preamble by Constitution (Forty-Second
Amendment) Act, 1976, but the commitment of the leaders of our freedom
struggle during the course of freedom movement which find• expression in
the .various provisions of the Constitution leaves no room for doubt that H
!02o SUPREME COURT REPORlS [1993) 1 S.C.R.

A secularism is one of the basic features of the .Constitution~ It was so held
in the Kesavananda Bharati case, [1973) Supp. SCR 1 [Sikri, CJ. at pp.
165-6; Shela! and Grover, JJ. ai p.280; Hegde and Mukharjea, JJ. at p314
and Khanna J. at p.685] and in Smt. Indira Gandhi v. Raj Narain, [1976) 2 f..
i.
.SCR 347 [Mathew, at 'p5o3 and Chaildrachud, J. at p. 659). The matter
B has now been placed beyond controversy by incorporating the expression
"secular' in the Preamb.Ie by the Constitution (Forty- second Amendment)
Act, 1976.

In so far as clause (1) of Article 15 is concerned express provision
has been made iii clauses (3) and (4) empoweriag the State to make special
C ·· provisions for certain classes of persons. Sanghas, as such, do not fall within
the ambit of clauses (3) and ( 4) of Article 15 and therefore, a special
provision in their favour, in derogation of clause (1) of Article 15 is not
permissible. Article 325 also does not postulate any departure from the
prohibition with regard to ·special electoral roll .contained therein. This is
D borne out by the background in which Article 325 came to be adopted in
the constitution. . . .

Under the British Rule, separate electorates, for Muslims were
provided by the Indian Councils Act, 1909. The Communal Award an- .
E nounced in 1932 provided for separate electorates for Muslims, Eropeans,
Sikhs, Indian Christian and ·anglo-Indians. By it, separate electorates were
sought to be extended to the depressed classes also. This was opposed by
Mahatma Gandhi who undertook fast unto death and thereupon the said
proposal was given ilp. The Congress Working Committee in its resolution .~·

. , F adopted in Calcutta in October 1937 declared the communal award as
, being "anti-national, anti-democratic and a barrier to Indian freedom and
devel..Jpment of Indian unity'. The Congress felt that separate electorates
was a factor which led to the partition of the country. When· the Constitu-
tion._was being framed, the question whether there should be joint or
separate electorates was first considered by the Advisory Committee con-
, . . - (
G stituted by the Constituent Assembly to determine the fundamental rights
. of citizen, minorities: etc. The advisory Committee in its report dated
AugUst 8, 1947 has stated -
--·--
'The first question we tackled was that of separate elec-
H torates; we considered this as being of crucial importance
).·
I

R.C. POUDYAL v. U.0.1. [AGRAWAL, J.] 1021

both to the minorities themselves and to the political life A
of the country as a whole. By an overwhelming majority,
we came to the conclusion that the system of separate
electorates must be abolished in the new Constitution. In
our judgment, this system has in the past sharpened com-
munal differences to a danagerous extent and has proved
B
one of the main stumbling blocks to the development of a
healthy national life. It seems specially necessary to avoid
these dangers in the new political conditions that have
developed in the country and from this point of view the
arguments against separate electorates seem to us ab-
c
- solutely decisive.

We recommend accordingly that all elections to the Central
and Provincial Legislatures should be held on the basis of
11
joint elector_ates.

[Shiva Rao, Framing of India's Constitution, Select Documents, Vol.II, D
p.412]
,.
When the report of the Advisory Committee came up for considera-
tion before the Constituent Assembly, Shri Muniswami Pillai, expressing
Y his satisfaction with the report, said : E

"One great point, Sir, which I would like to tell this hou'e

- is that we got rid of the harmful mode of election by
separate electorates. It has been buried seven fathom deep,
never more to rise in our country."
F
[Constituent Assembly Debates, Vol. V p. 202]

An amendment was moved by Shri B. Packer Sahib Bahadur belong-
ing to Muslim League lo the effect that all the elections to the Central and
Provincial Legislatures should, as far as Muslims arc concerned, be held
on the basis of separate electorates. The said amendment was opposed by G
most of the members. Pandit Govind Ballabh Pant, speaking on the said
,,> occasion, stated -

"... So, separate electorates are not only dangerous to the
State and to society as a whole, but they are particularly H
1022 SUPREME COURT REPORTS [1993] 1 S.C.R.

A harmful to the minorities. We all have had enough of this
experience, and it is somewhat tragic to find that all that
experience should be lost and still people should hug the
exploded shibboleths and slogans."

[Constituent Assembly Debates; Vol. V, p.224]
B
Sardar Patel in his reply to the debate was more emphatic. He said:~

"I had not the occasion tohear the speeches which were
made in the initial stages when this question of communal
c electorates was introduced in the Congress; but there are
many eminent Muslims who have recorded their views that
the greatest evil in this country which has been brought to
-
pass is the communal electorate. The introduction of the
system of communal electorates is a poison which has
entered into the body politic of our country. Many English-
D men who were responsible for this also admitted that. But
today, after agreeing to the separation of the country as a
result of this communal electorte, I never thought that
proposition was going to be moved seriously, and even if it
was moved seriously, that it would be taken seriously."
E )'
[Constituent Assembly Debates; Vol. V, p. 255]

The Constituent Assembly rejected the move and approved the
recommendation of the Advisory Committee. But in the original Draft
-
Constitution there was no express provision lo the effect that elections to
F
the Parliament and to the State Legislatures shall be on the basis of the
joint electorates for the reason that electoral details had been left to >-
auxiliary legislation under Articles 290 and 291 of the Draft Constitution.
Subsequently it was felt that provision regarding joint electorates is of such
fundamental importance that it ought to be mentioned expressly in the
G Constitution itself. Article 289-A was, therefore, inserted to provide that
all elections to either House of Parliament or the Legislature of any State
shall be on the basis of the joint electorates. [Shiva Rao : Framing of India's .;.,_
Constitution, Select Documents, Vol. IV p. 141]. Article 289-A, as
proposed by the Drafting Committee, was substituted during the course of
H debate in the Constituent Assembly and the ·said provision, as finally
R.C. POUDYAL v. U.0.1. (AGRAWAL, J.] 1023

adopted by the Constituent Assembly was numbered as Article 325. A

l( This would show that Article 325 is of crucial significance for main-
taining the secular character of the Constitution. Any contravention of the
said provision cannot but have an adverse impact on the secular character
of the Republic which is one of the basic features of the Constitution. The
same is true with regard to the provisions of clause (1) of Article 15 which
B
prohibits reservation of seats in the legislatures on the ground only of
religion.

"" It is no doubt true that the impugned provisions, relate to only one
seat out of 32 seats in the Legislative Assembly of Sikkim. But the poten- c
- tialities of mischief resulting from such provisions cannot be minimised.
The existence of such provisions is bound to give rise to similar demands
by followers of other religions and revival of the demand for reservation of
seats on religious grounds and for separate electorates which was emphati-
~ cally rejected by the Constituent Assembly. It is a poison which, if not D
eradicated from the system at the earliest, is bound to eat into the vitals of
the natio'1. It is, therefore, imperative that such provision should not find
place in the statute book so that further mischief is prevented and the
secular character of the Republic is protected and preserved. While deal-
ing with fundamental liberties, Bose J ., in Kedar Nath Bajaria v. The State
E
of West Bengal, [1954] 5 SCR 30, has struck a note of caution :
y
"If we wish of retain the fundamental liberties which we

-- have so eloquently proclaimed in our Constitution and
remain a free and independment people walking in the
democratic way of life, we must be swift to scotch at the F
outset tendencies which may easily widen, as precedent is
.-(_ added to precedent, into that which in the end will be the
negation of freedom and equality". (p.52)

Similar caution is called for to preserve the secular character o(the
Republic. G

Having found that the impugned provision providing for a separate
> electoral -roll for Sangha Constituency contraveness Article 325 and reser-
vation of one seat for Sanghas contravenes Article 15(1) and Articles 325
and 15(1) are of crucial importance to the concept of Secularism envisaged H
--....\
/

1024 SUPREME COURT REPORTS (1993] 1 S.C.R.

A in the Constitution it becomes necessary to examine whether Article 371-F
permits a departure from the principle contained in Articles 325 and 15(1)
....,,,
while appiying the Constitution to the newly admitted State of Sikkim. I am
unable to construe the provisions of Cl (f) of Article 371-f.as conferring
such a power clause (f) of Article 371-F which empowers Parliament to
B make provision for reservation of seats in the Legislative Assembly of
Sikkim for protecting the rights and interest of the different sections of the
population of Sikkim, must be considered in the context of clause (5) of
the tripartite agreement of May 8, 1973. The 'different sections' con-
;,/
templated in clause (f) of Article 371-F are Sikkimese of Bhutia-Lepcha
origin on the one hand and Sikkimese of Nepali origin on the other and
c the said provision is intended to protect and safeguard the. rights and
interests of these sections. Clause (f) of Article 371-F, in my view, cannot
be construed to permit reservation of a seat for Sanghas and election to
-
that seat on the basis of a separate electoral roll composed of Sanghas only.

D It must, therefore, be held that clause (c) of sub-s.(1-A) of s.7 and --(
Section 25-A of the 1950 Act and the words "other than constituency
reserved for Sanghas" in clause (a) of sub-s.(2) of s.5-A and clause (c) of
sub-s.(2) of s.5-A of the 1951 Act are violative of the provisions of Articles
15(1) and 325 of the Constitution and are not saved by Article 371-F of the
E Constitution. The said provisions, in my view, are however, severable from
the other provisions which have been inserted in the 1950 Act and the 1951 y
Act by the 1976 Act and the 1980 Act and the striking down of the

F
impugned provisions does not stand in the way of giving effect to the other
provisions.

I would, therefore, strike down s.25-A inserted in the 1950 Act by
--
the Act 10of1976 and the provisions contained in clause (c) of sub-s.(1-A)
which has been inserted in Section 7 of the 1950 Act by Act 8 of 1980, the
j
words "other than the constituency reserved for the Sanghas" in clause (a)
of sub-s.(2) as well as clause (c) of sub-s.(2) inserted in Section 5-A of the
G 1951 Act by Act 8 of 1980 as being unconstitutional.

In Transferred Cases Nos. 93 and 94 of 1991, Shri KN. Bhatt and
_..._
Shri K.M.K Nair, the learned counsel appearing for the f ;titioners therein
have not assailed the validity of the provisions with regard to reservation
H of seats for Sikkimese of Bhutia and Lepcha origi~. They have. however,
R.C. POUDYAL v. U.0.1. [AGRAWAL, J.] 1025

urged that Clause (f) of Article 371-F imposes an obligation on Parliament A
to make provision for protection of the rights and interests of Sikkimese of
y Nepali origin also and that while making reservation for protection of rights
and interest of Sikkimese of Bhutia-Lepcha origin, Parliament was also
required to provide for similar reservation of seats for Sikkimese of Nepali
origin to protect the rights and interests of Sikkimese of Napalis origin. In B
this regard, it has been submitted that reservation for seats in the Sikkim
Council and subsequently in Sikkim Assembly for Sikkimese of Nepali
origin had been there since the elective element was introduced in 1952. It
~
was also urged that after Sikkim was admitted in the Indian Uni<>n, there
has been large influx of outsiders in Sikkim as a result of which the original
c
- residents of Sikkim including Sikkimese of Nepali origin have been vastly
out numbered by settlers coming to Sikki_m from other parts of the country.
In my view, there is no substance in these contentions. According to the
figures of 1971 census Sikkimese of Nepali origin were 1,40,000 whereas
Sikkimese of Bhutia-Lepeha origin were 51,600 and as per per the figures
).-- of 1981 census the corresponding figures were 2,24,4Sl and 73,623 rcspec- D
tively. This shows that the ratio of Sikkimese of Nepali origin and Sikkimese
of Bhutia-Lepcha origin is about 3:1. In view of the vast differnce in their
numbers the Sikkimese of Nepali origin can have no apprehension about
their rights and interests being jeopardised on account of reservation of
twelve seats for Sikkimese of Bhutia-Lepcha origin in the Legislative E
y Assembly composed of thirty-two seats. As regards the apprehension that
the Sikkimese of Nepali origin would be out-numbered by the settlors from

- other parts of the country, I find that no material has been placed by the
petitioners to show that the number of settlors from other parts of the
country into Sikkim is so large that Sikkimese of Nepali origin are being F
out-numbered. The figures of the 1971 and-1981 census, on the other hand,
indicate to the contrary. According to the 1971 census in the total popula-
-..\ tion of 2,09,843 the Sikkimese of Nepali origin were about 1,40,000, i.e.,
about 67%, and according to the 1981 census in the total p9pulation of
3,16,385 Sikkimese of Nepali origin were 2,24,4Sl, i.e., about 70%. In these
circumstances, it cannot be said that reservation of scats for Sikkimese ef
G
Nepali origin was required in order lo protect their rights and interests and
in not making any provision for reservation of seats for Sikkimese of Nepali
.>-
origin Parliament has failed to give effect to the provisions of clause (f)
Article 371-F of the Constitution.
H
1026 SUPREME COURT REPORTS (1993] 1 S.C.R.

A For the reasons abovementioned, these cases have to be partly
allowed and it is declared that Section 25-A introduced in the 1950 Act bx
Act no. 10 of 1976, Clause (c) of sub-s.(lA) introduced in Section 7 of they
1950 Act by Act no. 8 of 1980, the words "other than constituency reserved
for the Sanghas"in clause (a) of sub-s.(2) introduced in Section 5-A of the
B 1951 Act by Act no.8of1980 and clause (c) of sub-s.(2) introduced in s.5-A
'of the 1951 Act by Act no.8 of 1980 are unconstitutional rnd avoid.

T.N.A. Petitions dismissed.
:,(.

-